Mostrar mensagens com a etiqueta Eugenia. Mostrar todas as mensagens
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quarta-feira, 10 de abril de 2013

The Return of Eugenics - by William M. Briggs

In CRISIS 

It’s beginning to look a lot like 1913, a decade before the peak of the Social Darwinism movement, a time when educated and concerned people joined the Race Betterment Foundation and looked to the settled science of eugenics to save civilization from the growing horde of the genetically inferior.


Events have since made the word eugenics distasteful, but not the notion. The idea of human perfection via managed procreation is back and stronger than ever, at least in the academy. Now instead of forcible sterilization, the call is for fetal genetic testing and selective abortion. Race is no longer the marker of unfitness; having incorrect thoughts or unwelcome moral attitudes and genetic unworthiness are.


Early eugenicists embraced contraception. In 1921 Margaret Sanger argued birth control was “not merely of eugenic value, but is practically identical in ideal, with the final aims of Eugenics.” Two such aims were “racial regeneration” and “to improve the quality of the generations of the future.” She said the “unbalance between the birth rate of the ‘unfit’ and the ‘fit’” was “the greatest present menace to civilization.” She thought “Birth Control propaganda is thus the entering wedge for the Eugenic educator.” If undesirables didn’t voluntarily stop making babies, steps would be taken. “Possibly drastic and Spartan methods may be forced upon society if it continues complacently to encourage the chance and chaotic breeding that has resulted from our stupidly cruel sentimentalism.”


Spartans preferred exposure for the betterment of mankind while eugenicists touted culling and sterilizing the unfit, the breeding technique used by farmers to improve their stock. What was “unfit”? That was often left undefined, though Sanger pegged low IQ. She often trumpeted statistics like those which showed that 39% of white “charity obstetrical patients” at one hospital and “70% of the negroes were found to have a mental age of 11 years or less.”


Real and imagined racial disparities were eagerly discussed. Conclusions were drawn. Progress was made. But then came Hitler, concentration camps, and the horrific practical experience of purging racial impurity. Eugenicists were shamed and clammed up. The field lay fallow for half a century, until the rise of abortion “rights” and the expansion of the universities in the late twentieth century. There arose a new crop of academics convinced that if only they were put in charge, and just the right people were aborted, the world would be a better place.


Consider David DeGrazia, tenured at George Washington University, who in the Journal of Medical Ethics recently advocated creating a master race via programmatic “moral bioenhancement.” Like many, DeGrazia gazed upon the earth and saw “an abundance of immoral behaviour.” He worried “traditional means of moral enhancement may prove inadequate to achieve needed improvements,” therefore more drastic measures are called for. Such as selection “of embryos that contain a gene coding for a greater disposition to altruism” or even implanting an “artificial chromosome that includes multiple genes coding for stronger predispositions to a variety of moral virtues.”


He disfavors letting emerge from the womb those whose DNA codes for “moral cynicism” (he cites tax cheats), those not wanting to contribute “one’s fair share,” those with “defective empathy,” those who suffer “a failure of insight or motivation,” including those not wanting to donate more than 1% of the USA’s GDP to foreign governments (yes, truly). Who decides on the list of desirable and therefore allowable traits? Well, people like DeGrazia, though he concedes “it might make sense to permit parents to adopt more debatable visions of morality—among reasonable alternatives.”


The buzzword among cognoscenti is “post-person,” defined in a much-cited 2009 Philosophy and Public Affairs paper by tenured Duke professor Allen Buchanan, as those “who would have a higher moral status than that possessed by normal human beings” (emphasis original). Buchanan admits crafting chromosomal übermenschen “might be profoundly troubling from the perspective of the unenhanced (the mere persons) who would no longer enjoy the highest moral status, as they did when there were only persons and nonpersons (‘lower animals’).” There’s ample precedent to create this new hierarchy: “the profoundly demented and infants, do not have some of the characteristics that moral philosophers typically attribute to persons and that are thought to ground the distinctive rights that persons have.” Daniel Wikler, tenured at Harvard, agreed in a 2009 article contributed to Human Enhancement figuring that once we create super-moral beings, it makes sense to restrict the legal rights of the not-so-super.


Nicholas Agar of the University of Wellington is one of only a small (and decreasing) number of faculty who have read Mary Shelly. In a special issue of this year’s Journal of Medical Ethics he dared speculate about possible bad and unforeseen consequences and was immediately taken to task by a brace of academics, like Ingmar Persson (University of Gothenburg), who has predictably chided Agar for being “biased” against post-persons.


As is plain, the leading new-eugenics organ is the Journal of Medical Ethics, edited by Julian Savulescu (tenured, St Cross College, Oxford), self-appointed champion of genetic tinkering. He is the public face of the movement, writing in Reader’s Digest that it is “our duty” to have “designer babies” (would their color go with our shoes?) and that “people have a moral obligation to select ethically better children.”


He claims, “We now know that most psychological characteristics are significantly determined by certain genes,” like, the “COMT gene” which selects for altruism (new-eugenicists really go for altruism). If you want your child “to be faithful and enjoy stable relationships” then abort him if he has “a variant of AVPR1.” Kill him, too, if he’s saddled with “a certain type of the MA0A gene” which is “linked to higher levels of violence in children who often suffer abuse or deprivation.”


Savulescu and the other new-eugenicists making these sorts of arguments delude themselves. “We” do not know that psychological characteristics are significantly determined by certain genes. And, as Yoav Benjamini and others have confirmed, the possibility of falsely associating a trait with a gene is high. If your baby is discovered to have “a version of the COMT gene” it does not mean that he will necessarily be altruistic. He may well grow up to be a cad. The implied claim that biology explains all or most behavior is false—do all identical twins act identically?


It is true that some genes are associated with some behaviors, but the association is statistical. Experiments with very limited numbers of (mostly white, educated, young, Western) volunteers show that more people who exhibit a specific behavior, or that fail to exhibit another, are more likely to have or lack certain genes than others in the experiments. Having a certain gene or genes thus does not mean a person will exhibit, or fail to exhibit, a behavior, especially a behavior as complex as altruism, which can only be measured crudely. Therefore it is absurd to say that by killing those who possess or lack a given gene will certainly promote desirable behaviors. Plus, nobody has any idea what would happen to the human population if certain genes are systematically removed (via abortion) or inserted (via injection). Perhaps the post-persons created in this program will be more altruistic, but they may also be more indolent or stupid as a consequence. To claim that this cannot be so is to argue wishfully, without evidence.


New-eugenicists aren’t claiming definitiveness, however. They know that gene-behavior connections are correlational and that behavior is difficult to unambiguously define. They know they’re using the “loaded-dice” argument such that aborting those with or without approved genes only increases the chances of desired behaviors, but doesn’t guarantee them. They know the correlations are weak, but they claim they’re good enough.


But just think. Here in the United States there are certain genes positively associated with crime, particularly violent crime. One group of people sporting a certain gene combination commit proportionally far more crime than others lacking these genes. This association is strong, vastly stronger than the correlation between altruism and the COMT gene, or any other gene-behavior connection; the statistical evidence is indisputable. Savulescu and his brother eugenicists’ logic is that those who display these genes should be aborted to create a better society. Who but an academic could get away with making arguments like this?


Legal abortion guarantees eugenics. Already, babies testing for Down’s syndrome are often aborted. Scientists have recently derived tests to discover over 3,500 genetic “faults.” It’s early days with the technology, so expect that number to rise, with definitions of “faults” increasingly provided by new-eugenicists. What’s forgotten in this rush for perfection is that no test is error free, and the error rate of the test depends on the “fault,” which means that a certain fraction of the pre-born who are killed will die healthy, wrongly suspected as having “faults.” But you can’t make an omelette, etc.


Eugenics via abortion for sex selection is legal in the United States, and even touted. The Manhattan-based Center For Human Reproduction tells pregnant women they may want to abort if they are concerned about diseases which “are inherited via the mother but only male offspring are affected (muscular dystrophy, hemophilia, etc.). In other cases, conditions are more severely expressed in one gender (Fragile X syndrome, autism in males, etc.) than the other.” They’re not suggesting your unborn baby boy is unhealthy, but they warn against having a boy because boys in general are less healthy. Curiously, the bias here is against males and not females as it is in the rest of the world. Congress gave itself a chance to ban sex selection, but in 2012 they voted down the Prenatal Nondiscrimination Act which would have made such abortions illegal.


New-eugenicists know that, despite their best and most earnest efforts, a few unauthorized babies will slip past the goalie. Sensitivity training can’t cure them all. Academic philosophers Alberto Giubilini and Francesca Minerva say kill ‘em while they’re still infants, before they have a chance to use their forbidden genes. The pair call their procedure “after-birth abortion.” The subtitle of their 2012 JME paper is “Why should the baby live?” Their argument? The “moral status of an infant is equivalent to that of a fetus in the sense that both lack those properties that justify the attribution of a right to life to an individual.”


For the small fraction of genetically inferior who make it out of the womb and past Giubilini’s and Minerva’s abattoir, there is always sterilization (as practiced by China, say) or drugs. For example, some claim propranolol douses racism. Sterilization is eugenics, but drugging somebody might seem not, or at least not per se. But administration of chemicals can interfere directly with the ability to procreate, or it might alter behaviors which are correlated with procreation, and that makes it eugenics.


Yet drugs, or rather “enhancement” of the already living, is not as optimal as eugenics argues Savulescu, particularly when it comes to eliminating lawlessness. In a 2006 Journal of Applied Philosophy paper he said “specific genetic markers” can be tied to “criminal tendency,” i.e. that criminality is heritable. That’s what he writes from the safety of his ivory tower. Hey, Julian, let’s me and you head to a pub in Melbourne and you can tell the blokes there what it would be like if a country was populated only by criminals with their heritable genes. Should make for an interesting discussion.

quinta-feira, 11 de outubro de 2012

USAID Unleashes Norplant-Like Implant for Poor Women - By Lisa Correnti


WASHINGON, DC, October 12 (C-FAM) The US Agency for International Development announced on World Contraception Day a partnership with international donors to distribute Jadelle, a second-generation of Norplant, to poor women in developing countries. The contraceptive is not distributed for use in more affluent countries.

Jadelle was developed by the Population Council, a group known for its eugenics roots. "Eugenic goals are most likely to be achieved under another name than eugenics," wrote Frederick Osborn, the first president of Population Council, founded by John D. Rockefeller III in the 1950's. Read More

quarta-feira, 29 de agosto de 2012

Corte Europea de Derechos Humanos defiende aborto eugenésico con polémico fallo

ROMA, 28 Ago. 12 / 07:15 pm (ACI/EWTN Noticias).- La Corte Europea de Derechos Humanos dio a conocer hoy un polémico fallo en el que defiende el aborto eugenésico temprano al considerar “contraria al respeto de la vida privada y familiar” en Italia la prohibición a una pareja de esposos sanos, pero portadores de fibrosis quística, de realizar el diagnóstico genético de embriones generados por fecundación artificial antes de ser implantados, con el objetivo de tener un hijo sano.

Así lo indica la sentencia no definitiva y que puede ser apelada en los siguientes tres meses emitida por 7 jueces presididos por el belga François Tulkens en el caso de los esposos Rossetta Costa y Walter Pavan contra el Estado italiano.

El fallo explica que estos esposos tuvieron en el año 2006 una hija con fibrosis quística y eso hizo que supieran que eran portadores de la enfermedad. En el 2010 Rossetta volvió a quedar embarazada y al analizar al bebé no nacido detectaron la enfermedad, luego de lo cual decidieron abortarlo.

Según señala la agencia italiana SIR los esposos quieren, con este diagnóstico preimplantacional, seleccionar los embriones para así evitar el nacimiento de un hijo enfermo de fibrosis quística. Esta práctica no es legal de acuerdo a la legislación de Italia (ley 40) que prohíbe la selección embrionaria.

Para la sentencia, explica la nota de la Corte Europea de Derechos Humanos, “se observó primero que nada que las nociones de ‘embrión’ y ‘niño’ no deben confundirse”.

La fibrosis quística es una enfermedad genética recesiva que afecta principalmente los pulmones, el páncreas, el hígado y el intestino. Puede causar la muerte prematura causa por infecciones pulmonares crónicas, principalmente. Aún no existe cura para la enfermedad y se estima el promedio de edad máximo en 35 años en los pacientes afectados por este mal.

La sentencia se refiere también a la “incoherencia del sistema legislativo italiano” ya que “de una parte priva a los recurrentes del diagnóstico genético preimplantacional” mientras que permite el aborto “por razones terapéuticas”.

Los jueces afirman además que el Estado italiano debe compensar a la pareja con un pago de 15 mil euros “por daños morales” y 2500 euros de reembolso por gastos procesales.

Sobre este caso, el presidente nacional de la Asociación Ciencia y Vida con sede en Italia, Lucio Romano, señaló que la sentencia “no cancela los problemas éticos relacionados al diagnóstico genético preimplantancional”.

El líder pro-vida explicó luego que “de padres portadores de fibrosis quística el 25 por ciento de los hijos tiene la posibilidad de nacer enfermo, el 50 por ciento de nacer sano pero portador y el restante 25 por ciento sano pero no portador”.

“Con la técnica del diagnóstico genético preimplantacional que exige necesariamente una sobreproducción de embriones, está implícito que también embriones sanos, portadores y no portadores, serán eliminados”, precisó.

Romano dijo además que “justificar el diagnóstico genético preimplantacional sobre la base de un ‘reconocido’ derecho al aborto explicita tangiblemente la finalidad selectiva eugenésica de la misma técnica. De hecho, se colocan sobre el mismo plano criterios diversos: normas que regulan técnicas de fecundación artificial con aquellas que norman la interrupción voluntaria del embarazo (aborto)”.

El líder pro-vida explicó también que “la ley 40 no es una norma ideológica ni confesional, sino pensada para la tutela de los derechos de todos los sujetos involucrados, incluidos los derechos del concebido (embrión)”.

Para Romano, la sentencia de la Corte de Estrasburgo “revela una actitud de reduccionismo antropológico y de discriminación en relación al embrión, considerado sólo como ‘material de laboratorio’, en flagrante contradicción con la reciente sentencia europea en materia de viabilidad de los embriones que reconoce la dignidad del ser humano al concebido”.

quinta-feira, 2 de agosto de 2012

A Eugenics Common Sense? - by Mark W. Leach

In Public Discourse

Calling fetuses defective if they are prenatally diagnosed with genetic conditions foreshadows a dangerous path toward eugenics. 
 
This year has seen a rash of medical studies reporting on developments in cell-free fetal DNA (cffDNA) prenatal testing. Not too long ago, one commentator cautioned that as prenatal genetic testing becomes more pervasive, our society risks developing a “eugenics common sense.” The reporting on the new cffDNA testing suggests that some have already developed this sensibility.

In October 2011, Sequenom, a publicly traded company, introduced its version of cffDNA prenatal testing. As the name suggests, floating in each expectant mother’s blood stream are bits of DNA from the child she is carrying. The new testing procedure tests this fetal DNA and can detect with the greatest reported sensitivity whether the fetus has Down syndrome. Because of false positives, cffDNA testing remains a screening-type test, providing a reassessment of the likelihood that the child has Down syndrome; it is not a diagnostic test, yet.

Sequenom’s competitors Verinata and Ariosa entered the market this year with their versions of cffDNA testing. Like Sequenom, they heralded their testing with medical journal articles and press releases. Reporting on these new tests has employed language with a notable eugenics lexicon.

In his recent column for Slate—headlined “Fetal Flaw”—Will Saletan praised the advances in prenatal testing for informing mothers if they are pregnant with a “defective fetus.” Saletan used the new tests as a wedge in abortion politics. Citing various polls, he argued that it will be difficult for pro-lifers to persuade a majority to be opposed to this new testing, even though Saletan rightly expects that the numbers of abortions will increase. Because it would be difficult to enforce any prohibition against aborting for specific reasons—such as the recent attempt by the House of Representatives to make sex-selective abortion illegal—Saletan almost gloats that the new tests will allow for even more eugenic abortions, i.e., abortions due to the fetus’s genetic make-up.

A month before Saletan’s article, Newsweek reported on the “epidemic of special needs kids.” As the charged word “epidemic” suggested, the article discussed the growing burden of caring for more children with autism and Down syndrome because of the costs of medical care. Almost lamentably, the article notes that these burdens have been somewhat compounded because, due to societal advances in medical care and inclusion in mainstream society, individuals with intellectual and developmental disabilities are now enjoying longer—and therefore costlier—lives.

Burden. Defective. Epidemic. These were terms commonly used in the eugenics era at the turn of the last century to justify compulsory sterilizations and involuntary euthanasia. But raise concerns at the turn of this century over prenatal genetic testing, and, as Mr. Saletan shows, the critics will be dismissed for simply being Luddites, against the advances of technology in the information age. What Mr. Saletan and other proponents of prenatal genetic testing ignore is that while technology may be value-neutral, how it is administered is not.

The administration of prenatal genetic testing does not happen in a hermetically sealed vacuum. Counseling about prenatal testing is not cut off from the biases and prejudices of society. Rather, it is promoted and administered by an academic, scientific, and professional elite where such bias and prejudice are concentrated.

The medical profession is still largely trained to view humans in a bio-medical perspective: what’s wrong with the patient? And that wrongness is defined by what the professional performing the diagnosis views as normal or desirable. Therefore, it should not be surprising that a profession that exalts those with the highest academic performance would view those with more apparent cognitive challenges as having something wrong with them—as being “defective.”

Studies have found that medical professionals admit that they are poorly trained in both prenatal testing and the conditions currently tested for, the main one being Down syndrome. Moreover, the medical school deans in charge of training them admit that their future medical professionals are not competent to treat individuals with intellectual disabilities. Is it any wonder, given this training, or lack thereof, and the culture in which they strive to succeed, that medical professionals overwhelmingly admit that they would abort following a prenatal diagnosis for Down syndrome? Simultaneously, medical professionals have a financial incentive for their patients to accept testing, which provides more revenue for their practice.

It is into these hands that Saletan, and the rest of society, is entrusting the ethical administration of prenatal testing, justified as empowering a woman’s right to choose. This systemic bent toward providing prenatal testing despite the ethical concerns associated with it was demonstrated the week after Saletan’s article was published.

The International Society for Prenatal Diagnosis (ISPD) held its conference where the same testing Saletan writes about is all the rage. Speakers used terminology similar to Saletan’s with a similar perspective: who could be against testing that can identify what they consider a genetic “disease”?

In the very first session of the conference, Dr. Yuval Yaron, Director of the Prenatal Diagnosis Unit at Tel Aviv Sourasky Medical Center, argued that testing for Fragile X syndrome should be universally offered, even though he admitted it failed to meet one element of his cited criteria for such a recommendation. According to Yaron, and the World Health Organization, for a test to be acceptable as a screening test, it must be accurate, cost-effective, and identify conditions for which there is a treatment. Currently there is no treatment for prenatally genetically diagnosed conditions such as Down and Fragile X syndromes. Yaron even admitted this. But, echoing the arguments of last century’s proponents of eugenics, Yaron argued that the test should nevertheless be offered to every woman, because an economic analysis could demonstrate that the costs of women accepting the testing could be offset by the amount of public health-care money saved if those women aborted their “defective” fetuses with Fragile X.

Days after the ISPD conference, the TODAY Show on NBC featured a union of the medical profession and the media on developing a eugenics common sense.

Currently, cffDNA testing can only detect a few genetic conditions. Other researchers, however, have reported identifying 3,500 genetic conditions based solely on a sample of the mother’s blood and the father’s saliva. The TODAY Show carried a segment with their senior medical editor Dr. Nancy Snyderman commenting on these research results. The host asked, “Do you think it raises ethical issues? I mean at what point, if you have information that your child is going to have a genetic problem, and then you’re posed with the question of whether to go forward with the pregnancy?” Snyderman answered, “Well, I’m pro-science, so I believe that this is a great way to prevent diseases.”

In the wake of such statements, New York Times columnist Ross Douthat wondered whether our society was on the verge of another era of eugenics. But Douthat states that governmental eugenic policies are “all but unimaginable in today’s political climate.” Put aside that the Obama administration has mandated no-cost prenatal genetic testing as a means of “preventive” medicine. The more fundamental question is: why is the existence of a governmental policy the critical element for raising moral concerns about the eugenic implications of prenatal genetic testing? Is the lesson of the previous eugenics atrocities that viewing others as burdensome defectives ripe for elimination is wrong only when a governmental policy says so? Or, is not the lesson that it is wrong to view another human life as defective, as a burden, regardless of whether there is a governmental policy or not?

But that is the other distinction. As the argument goes: The impact of prenatal testing for Down syndrome is not morally problematic not only because abortion is not governmentally mandated following a prenatal diagnosis, but testing deals with fetuses, not ex utero human beings. Because there is no consensus on the moral status of the fetus, then it is incorrect to talk of eugenics when it comes to aborting a fetus with a genetic condition.

What else, though, do the commentators and medical elite mean when they refer to defective fetuses? Of course, they mean the child that will be born if the pregnancy is allowed to continue. That child, who to them poses a burden or has a disease, is to be prevented through abortion. But defective is in the eye of the beholder.

Again, this, too, is the lesson from last century’s eugenics. While it began with individuals termed “feeble-minded,” it also included those with physical disabilities, homosexuals, and, ultimately, Jews. The progress in civilized society that followed the Holocaust was due in part to the lesson being learned that once a group of people can be labeled as defective, then, so, too, can any other group, depending on who has the power to do the labeling. As a result, civilized nations became more inclusive of all individuals, regardless of race, disability, ethnicity, or sexual orientation.

Unfortunately, it seems we have an ingrained bent toward finding a reason to discriminate against others. As a result, continual education is required to tame that bent and provide for a civilized society. The recent comments on the advances in prenatal genetic testing demonstrate the continued need for these educational efforts. Earlier this summer, Massachusetts joined states such as Missouri and Virginia in requiring that accurate, up-to-date information be provided to expectant mothers receiving a prenatal diagnosis of Down syndrome and other diagnosable conditions. If there is a role for governmental policy concerning prenatal genetic testing, it is to require this balance in information. Otherwise, we will revert to developing a eugenics common sense and being doomed to repeat the atrocities of history.

sexta-feira, 6 de janeiro de 2012

A Life of Passion: Progressive Eugenics and Planned Parenthood - by Angela Franks

A new biography of Margaret Sanger fails to confront the Planned Parenthood founder’s ideological commitment to eugenics and population control.

Herman Cain’s remarks concerning Planned Parenthood’s promotion of abortion to blacks thrust the organization and its founder once more into the spotlight. Congressional attempts to defund Planned Parenthood had already generated publicity. When Hillary Clinton received Planned Parenthood’s Margaret Sanger Award in 2009, she was prompted to make an apologia for accepting the award because of questions raised at a House committee hearing. In each of these cases, the controversy centered on the eugenic beliefs of Margaret Sanger (1879–1966), Planned Parenthood’s founder.

To a Sanger supporter, the accusation of eugenics touches a nerve. To understand this, one must grasp the subconscious syllogism underlying the emotional reaction: Margaret Sanger and Planned Parenthood are progressive feminist institutions. Progressive feminism cannot coexist with eugenics, which is a malady of the right-wing. Therefore, Margaret Sanger and Planned Parenthood are free of eugenic contamination. QED.

Something new has happened over the last ten years, however, that challenges such easy assumptions, and both Cain’s and Clinton’s language reflected it. No one with any command of the facts can deny any more that Sanger was in some way a eugenicist.

First, scholars of women’s history have begun examining the feminist movement with more objectivity, producing a new literature that is less afraid to detail the unsavory aspects of feminist history. Historical work on eugenics has also begun to shift: Historians of the subject have long recognized Sanger’s involvement in eugenics, but had not sufficiently acknowledged her importance for the movement.

Second, as positive as these improvements in scholarship are, probably the most crucial factor in bringing about a more realistic and balanced assessment of Sanger and eugenics has been the internet. Sanger’s own words are more accessible than ever (a process aided by the multivolume edition of The Selected Papers of Margaret Sanger). Planned Parenthood is simply unable to deny convincingly the truth about its founder.

And what is that truth? Margaret Sanger was many things admirable: a vibrant personality, a brilliant organizer, a canny reader of the temperature of the times, a woman who built powerful institutions in a man’s world. But she was also many things ugly and even despicable: an egotist who frequently clashed with others; a free-love advocate who had a dizzying number of affairs and who hurt many men as a result; and a eugenicist who argued that “birth control is nothing more or less than the facilitation of the process of weeding out the unfit, of preventing the birth of defectives or of those who will become defective.”

In light of this reality, Jean H. Baker’s book, Margaret Sanger: A Life of Passion, is a bit of a scholarly throwback. While it is readable, lively, and in many ways realistic about its subject, it is deeply unsatisfying as an ideological analysis.

Even Planned Parenthood has had to drop the denials of Sanger’s commitment to eugenics and now urges us all instead to avoid judging those of another historical era. After all, as Hillary Clinton basically said in 2009, Thomas Jefferson owned slaves, and he still did some pretty nifty things. Take what you like and leave the rest, that’s the new approach to Sanger.

So Baker cannot simply ignore the fact of Sanger’s eugenic preoccupation, but she doesn’t seem to feel obliged to try to make much sense of it. Instead, she seeks that convenient refuge of the relativist: “nuance.” Critics of Sanger (this reviewer included) are chastised for not having “a more nuanced view of her perspectives and the reasons she accepted aspects of a mainstream movement dedicated to improving human beings.”

Well, fine. While it’s hard to find “nuance” in a worldview that calls organized charity “a malignant social disease,” it would at least be entertaining to read someone trying to do so. Instead, regarding eugenics, what we get with Baker is an exhortation to nuance (in the Introduction) and then an avoidance of the issue for most of the remaining 300 pages. When she does address eugenics, she does so superficially. She acknowledges that Sanger was a “promoter” of eugenics, yet, in describing her motivation, the most she can muster is a variation of the mere-pragmatics defense: “In an effort to gain support, [Sanger] signed on to negative eugenics.”

Baker further tries her hand at nuance by claiming that Sanger rejected the “standard eugenic proposition that heredity was absolute.” Unfortunately for Baker, there was no such standard eugenic line. Only the most unsophisticated eugenicist would have claimed such a thing, while most scholarly eugenicists (such as Frederick Osborn) knew very well by the 1920s that nature and nurture interacted in the production of human traits. Ironically, in her Introduction, Baker accuses Sanger’s critics of an inadequate knowledge of the eugenics of Sanger’s day, a defect that she herself exhibits in spades.

The book’s treatment of the population-control movement reveals a similar failure to understand the history of eugenics. Baker writes that by the late 1920s, Sanger “had determined that population experts, like eugenicists, were emerging as an expanding pool of potential supporters.” In fact, population experts were eugenicists, plain and simple. Beginning with the first to use the term “eugenics,” Francis Galton (1822–1911), down through the eugenicists with whom Sanger worked in the 1920s through the 1960s, all early population “experts” were eugenicists. The discipline of demography was shot through with eugenic assumptions. As feminist and Marxist historian Linda Gordon observed, “The eugenics people slid into the population control movement gracefully, naturally, imperceptibly … There was nothing to separate the two movements because there was no tension between their two sorts of goals.”

Why were the two movements so closely aligned? The key can be found in a popular slogan of the eugenics/population-control crowd: “Quality, not quantity.” Eugenicists believed that, in order to improve the race, fewer people (only the so-called “fit”) should reproduce. In its 1927 Buck v. Bell decision, written by Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., the Supreme Court ruled that compulsory sterilization of the “unfit” was allowable under the Constitution, enabling American states to sterilize, on a far greater scale, those citizens deemed unfit, without their consent and sometimes even without their knowledge. (In the end, a majority of states allowed for involuntary sterilization, leading to over 60,000 sterilizations by 1967.) Between birth control and involuntary sterilization, the eugenics movement had a plan for dealing with the “unfit” in America.

But what to do about the great mass of people outside her borders? As Sanger confided in a letter to Clarence Gamble in 1940, India was “a bottomless sink … They need birth control on a large scale and it should be continually prodded into the national consciousness daily, hourly, for at least five years.” The Rockefeller family, deeply immersed in eugenics, financially supported the earliest eugenic population-control organizations, such as the Population Council. This was done quietly, however; as Frances Hand Ferguson, a former president of Planned Parenthood in America, observed, “Certainly the Rockefellers didn’t want to be known as a family who was telling little brown Indians not to have babies.” Population control was a gussied-up eugenics—with a passport.

Baker’s neglect of this history makes her treatment of eugenics and population control relentlessly shallow and unreflectively ideological. For example, she states confidently that “too large a population blocked opportunities for growth and stalled industrialization in what was now dubbed ‘the Third World.’” This is the language of someone who takes the formulations of eugenic demographers at face value instead of questioning how their ideological agenda might have compromised their scientific endeavors. In fact, as recent articles in Public Discourse have observed, the world is well able to absorb its roughly seven billion people. Economists such as Julian Simon have argued that the healthy population growth of India is one reason why its economic growth has been so robust. Of course, the point of Margaret Sanger: A Life of Passion is not to give a course on contemporary theories of population economics, but a nod of acknowledgment toward these larger issues would have greatly deepened the book’s analysis.

Disappointing as these defects are to the informed reader, the most unsatisfying aspect of the book is its naïveté about Sanger’s model of sexual liberation. Baker, who earned her B.A. in 1960, has ideas about sexuality that seem not to have budged from a sunny, 1960s-era cluelessness about the glories of uncommitted sex. This, despite the divorce revolution, HIV/AIDS, pornification, the sexualization and abuse of children: in short, the sum total of physical and emotional devastation wrought by the sexual revolution. Instead, the reader gets platitudes about Sanger’s affairs as a “life-affirming inspiration” or as “spontaneous, self-affirming alliances with men.” Baker is too good a historian to overlook the heartache that such behavior caused Sanger’s two husbands, but she seems unable to grasp how promiscuity harmed Margaret Sanger herself. The lonely woman at the end of her life, addicted to Demerol and resentful of the loss of celebrity, is the result of a life spent using people and, in turn, being used.

In sum, Baker cannot think outside the liberal academic box. She makes the utterly conventional assumption that eugenics was not what it in fact was: a progressive movement through and through. She does not understand that eugenics is all about one thing: control, the control of benighted masses by an enlightened elite. As Baker correctly emphasizes (but does not understand), Sanger insisted that contraception be called not family planning but birth control. Margaret Sanger’s was an ideology of control: birth control (baited with promiscuity), enabling a eugenic control of population—the progressive application of biopower. It is an ideology that tempts totalitarian elites—wherever they might be found on the political spectrum.

Angela Franks, Ph.D., is the author of Margaret Sanger’s Eugenic Legacy (McFarland, 2005) and the Director of Theology Programs for the Theological Institute for the New Evangelization (TINE) at Saint John’s Seminary in Boston.

terça-feira, 8 de dezembro de 2009

O que é a APF – Associação para o Planeamento da Família?


I


1. No dia 5 de Outubro de 1998 o Sr. Presidente da República condecorou, com a “Ordem de mérito público”, a Associação para o Planeamento da Família (APF).


2. A APF é filiada da IPPF (International Planeed Parenthood Federation). As APF são, nas várias nações, o instrumento de que a IPPF se serve para espalhar a sua ideologia e alcançar os seus objectivos.[1]


Esta organização tem as suas origens em 1916 com a fundação, por Margaret Sanger, da American Birth Control League. Em 1942, porque o termo birth control suscitava resistências, por reacção à experiência nazi, muda o nome para Planned Parenthood Federation of America. Em 1948 Sanger forma o International Committee on Planned Parenthood (ICPP). “The Brush Foundation for Race Betterment, USA fez uma concessão inicial de $5.000 para o estabelecimento da sede geral em Londres e a Sociedade Eugénica[2] concedeu-lhe alojamento gratuito”[3]. M. Sanger ¾ que até à morte foi membro da Sociedade Americana de Eugenia,[4] bem como o seu sucessor Alan Guttmacher ¾ é membro fundador da IPPF (1952), a que presidirá, juntamente com Lady Rama Rau.


3. Atentemos nalguns factos relativos a esta organização. Em 1919 M. Sanger afirma: “Mais filhos dos aptos, menos dos inaptos; esta é a base do controlo de natalidade”[5]; em 1920 escreve: “o maior acto de misericórdia que uma família grande [toda a que tivesse mais de dois filhos] pode praticar para com um recém-nascido é matá-lo”[6]; defende (1921) a necessidade de “criar uma raça de sangue puro”[7], a segregação dos “imbecis e desadaptados” e a esterilização das “raças geneticamente inferiores”[8](1922); confessa, nesse mesmo ano, que “o super-homem é a finalidade do controlo dos nascimentos”[9]. Nos anos 30 elaborou um programa para implementar licenças de nascimento nos EUA. Quem quisesse dar à luz precisaria de uma autorização governamental: os deficientes físicos, ou mentais, e os pouco inteligentes não poderiam ter filhos; a família normal, um; algumas, dois; só as muitíssimo inteligentes poderiam ter três ¾ o máximo permitido.[10] Nessa mesma altura, na sua Birth Control Review (BCR), são publicados numerosos artigos advogando a esterilização obrigatória. Em 1932 redige o seu plano para a paz: “aos geneticamente inferiores da nossa população dê-se-lhes a opção entre a segregação e a esterilização”[11]. Em 1933 convida Ernst Rudin, chefe do programa nazi de eugenia, a escrever um artigo, publicado em Abril, sobre esterilização compulsiva[12]. Em 39 um editorial da BCR elogia o programa de controlo populacional nazi[13]. No mesmo ano confidencia numa carta: “Não queremos que se saiba que nos propomos exterminar a população negra [...]”.[14] Os primeiros programas de M. Sanger visaram as raças “geneticamente inferiores”, eslavos, latinos e judeus [ “human weeds ... a deadweight of human waste ... a menace to the race”[15]] e, em seguida, negros, índios e católicos.[16]


Em 1969 o sucessor de M. Sanger, A. Guttmacher, num comentário sobre os programas de controlo da população, previa a possibilidade de que, com o tempo, tornar-se-ia necessária a coacção[17]: “Cada país terá de decidir sobre a sua própria forma de coacção, e determinar onde e como deverá ser empregue. No presente, os meios são a esterilização compulsiva e o aborto compulsivo. Talvez um dia seja factível pôr em prática o controlo compulsivo de nascimentos”[18]. Nesse mesmo ano F. Jaffe, vice-presidente da P. Parenthood/World Population, num memorando, intitulado Examples of Measures to Reduce U.S. Fertility, propunha: restruturação da família: a) adiar ou evitar o casamento, b) alterar a imagem da família ideal; educação sexual obrigatória para as crianças; incrementar a percentagem de homossexuais; educar para a limitação da família; agentes de controlo da natalidade no fornecimento público de água; modificar as políticas de impostos: a) imposto de casamento substancial, b) imposto sobre os filhos, c) imposto conjugal superior ao individual, d) acabar com a isenção de impostos por paternidade, e) impostos adicionais para os pais com mais do que um ou dois filhos na escola.; reduzir/eliminar as dispensas de trabalho pagas e as regalias à maternidade; reduzir/eliminar subsídios aos filhos ou às famílias; bonificar casamentos tardios; eliminar pagamentos da segurança social depois dos dois primeiros filhos; exigir que as mulheres se empreguem e reduzir as instituições que cuidem dos filhos; limitar/eliminar financiamento público de cuidados médicos, bolsas de estudo, habitação, empréstimos e subsídios a famílias com mais de N filhos; aborto obrigatório para as gravidezes fora do casamento; esterilização obrigatória para todos os que tenham dois filhos, excepto para alguns que seriam autorizados a ter três; limitar a possibilidade de ter filhos, a um número reduzido de adultos; permissão de novas crianças dependente da situação do lote [de crianças]; desencorajar a propriedade privada de habitação e terminar com a concessão pública de habitação baseada no tamanho da família; pagamentos para encorajar a esterilização, a contracepção e o aborto; aborto e esterilização a pedido; tornar a contracepção verdadeiramente acessível a todos.[19]


A IPPF não só tem contribuído como se tem empenhado em que EUA continuem a sua contribuição para o Fundo de População das N.U. (FNUAP), que desde 1980 tem contribuído com milhões de dólares para o programa de controlo populacional na China, “cada casal um filho”[20] ¾ esterilização compulsiva e aborto forçado. Nesse programa as mulheres têm que obter uma licença, dum funcionário do partido comunista, para poderem engravidar. Estas autorizações são rigorosamente racionadas em cada área. As mulheres e respectivos maridos são sujeitos à propaganda e a interrogatórios constantes, quer no trabalho quer em casa, por meio de una rede de espias e agentes do governo, para evitar que sejam pais sem a licença. A mulher que engravide sem autorização, é submetida a vergastadas e privada da liberdade, sem poder mudar de roupa ou sequer ir à casa de banho, com os funcionários, revezando-se por turnos, gritando-lhe continuamente, durante semanas, que tem de “cumprir o seu dever para com o Estado e o Partido” até que aceite “voluntariamente” fazer o aborto.[21]


II

“Quanto ao coito diria que três vezes por dia estaria bem”[22]

(M. Sanger - carta à neta (16 anos) enaltecendo o valor do sexo antes do casamento).

1. Qual a posição das Associações para o Planeamento da Família sobre a educação sexual? Para que melhor se possa ajuizar, apresenta-se alguma informação, sobre esta questão, relativa à IPPF/APFs ¾ seus ideólogos e materiais que distribuem.

2. Numa obra dirigida aos pais, aconselha-se: “... quando virmos as crianças (5-7 anos) acariciando os órgão genitais, basta dizer: ‘eu sei que isso sabe bem, mas é um modo privado de se sentir bem. Procuremos um lugar onde encontres a privacidade de que precisas”[23]. Em relação às dos 8-12 anos, recomendam: “as crianças nesta idade precisam de muita informação explícita [...]”[24] para serem educadas sobre sexo seguro. “Devemos ensinar os adolescentes como excitarem oralmente os órgãos genitais e a masturbarem-se mutuamente [...]”[25]; e que “as relações sexuais sem risco para as lésbicas compreendem: o uso de protecção dentária de borracha para a estimulação oro-vaginal e oro-anal [...], o uso de luvas cirúrgicas para meter os dedos na vagina ou no recto da companheira ... e todas as outras coisas maravilhosas que as lésbicas fazem”[26], pois “não esperamos que as pessoas se ajustem a um modelo determinado ¾ que sejam heterossexuais, homossexuais ou bissexuais [...] seria aborrecido se as pessoas fossem todas semelhantes”[27]. Aliás, os que se opõem a tais práticas, assim como ao “incesto entre irmãos e irmãs e ao contacto sexual com animais[28] [...] são antiquados e desmancha prazeres”[29].


Como, evidentemente, a grande maioria dos pais não vai na cantiga, o êxito das APFs reside ultimamente na capacidade de subtraírem os filhos ao seu controlo, de modo a podê-los manipular à vontade.


Por isso, exigem que “os adolescentes (10-19 anos) devem ter acesso total à regulação da fertilidade [contracepção, esterilização[30] e aborto], informação e serviços, com a garantia de privacidade e confidencialidade”[31]. Isto é, os pais de uma criança, seja de que idade for,[32] não devem ser contactados sem a sua autorização[33] porque os “pais ¾ são as pessoas mais perigosas”[34] e os adolescentes têm, entre outros, “o direito de quererem, ou não, ter uma vida sexual activa ..., [o direito] à contracepção, ao aborto seguro [sic], à confidencialidade e a poder confiar naqueles que lhes oferecem ajuda” ¾ isto é, as APFs e os seus educadores nas escolas.


Não só os adolescentes, mas também as “crianças muito novas deviam ser autorizadas, e talvez encorajadas, a terem uma vida sexual plena sem interferência dos seus pais ou da lei”[35] , pois isso não só é inócuo como pode ser saudável: “Os efeitos maiores de tais incidentes [contactos sexuais entre uma criança e um adulto que não tenham sido forçados e sem violência] são causados não pelo evento, mas pelas reacções de escândalo, zanga, medo, choque dos adultos que dele tomam conhecimento [...] . São estas reacções imoderadas que podem causar qualquer dano psicológico que ocorra”[36]. Acresce que: “A distinção entre o incesto e o contacto saudável está na motivação. Se o motivo é simplesmente a expressão de amor e carinho e o dar uma sensação de conforto e de apoio, é saudável e bom; não o é, se a motivação específica do adulto é a excitação sexual e a gratificação”[37].

“Pode haver razões convincentes para promover a expressão livre e erótico-sexual das crianças [...]” e, por isso, a lei devia “reconhecer o direito da criança a uma escolha livre dos parceiros sexuais” embora “um peso extra [deva ser] colocado no adulto [...] de modo a assegurar que a participação da criança seja informada e voluntária” [38].

De facto, “os seres humanos, como outros primatas, requerem um período de ensaio sexual precoce.” Esses “jogos” com adultos “afecta-os beneficamente”[39]. E “as crianças têm o direito de se expressarem sexualmente mesmo com membros das suas famílias” já que “nem mesmo o incesto prolongado é necessariamente prejudicial”[40]. Aliás, “às vezes pode ser benéfico para as crianças”[41].

É, pois, necessário “aumentar a tolerância para com uma série de expressões da sexualidade”[42]. Com essa “finalidade convidam-se adolescentes de 16 anos a discutir as seguintes situações: a) os pais estão na cama a ter relações sexuais quando o filho de 3 anos entra no quarto. Incluem o filho no seu abraço. b) Uma mãe está a mudar a fralda do seu filho. Este mostra com risinhos que gosta que lhe toquem no pénis. Ela continua a tocá-lo. c) Um rapaz senta-se nos joelhos do avô. Este descobre-lhe os pêlos” [43].

3. Entre os consultores da revista sexual Penthouse houve vários proeminentes membros da IPPF/APFs e suas ramificações: Alan Bell, R. Chilgren, T. McIlvenna e Malcolm Potts. São também conhecidas as ligações à Multi-Media, Inc., produtora de filmes que não se distinguem dos da indústria pornográfica. E os editores de revistas sexuais, como a Playboy, também patrocinaram os aliados da IPPF/APFs com fundos significativos, para conduzirem campanhas legislativas e litígios[44]. Um aviso final para os católicos. Segundo esta gente, o desabrochar da liberdade sexual poderá corroer toda a estrutura da Igreja [45].


III

“O único caminho que a IPPF e os seus aliados têm para ganhar a batalha

a favor do aborto a pedido é através da educação sexual” .[46]

Alan Guttmacher (sucessor de M. Sanger), 1973


1. Desde a sua fundação que a IPPF/APFs tem despendido milhares de milhões de dólares para a promoção, em todo o mundo, da educação sexual, da esterilização, da contracepção, e do aborto. No Plano Estratégico Visão Ano 2000 (1992), aprovado unanimemente pelas 140 filiais nacionais (APFs) da IPPF, determina-se a luta e a estratégia para a abolição de todas as leis que ainda proíbem o aborto.[47]


2. O termo ‘responsabilidade’, utilizado pelas APFs, tem um sentido muito diferente daquele que lhe é atribuído pelo senso comum. A responsabilidade, segundo eles, consiste em que os adolescentes recorram à contracepção, quando têm relações sexuais, e ao aborto, quando engravidam.[48] O “esquema” é o seguinte: primeiro distribuem manuais de educação sexual altamente chocantes, raiando a pornografia; os adolescentes, que poderiam ser castos, aprendem nesses livros que é perfeitamente normal, na sua idade, terem relações sexuais; por isso, vão às clínicas das IPPF/APFs comprar contraceptivos; quando estes falham, como acontece frequentemente, especialmente entre adolescentes, voltam às clínicas para abortarem.[49] Não é por acaso que o maior fornecedor de contraceptivos nos USA ¾ a Ortho Pharmaceutical - da Johnson and Johnson ¾ financia a educação sexual nas escolas.[50]


3. Que a prática da contracepção não resolve, antes agrava, o problema do aborto, não é uma “invenção do Papa”[51], mas um dado da experiência ¾ os estudos, realizados desde 1935[52] até hoje, confirmam-no abundantemente ¾ reconhecido pelos próprios propugnadores do aborto. Malcolm Potts “campeão” mundial dos abortistas, ex-director médico da IPPF, afirmou: “A prática do aborto e da contracepção estão intrinsecamente relacionadas entre si”.[53] “À medida que as pessoas se virarem para a contracepção, dar-se-à uma subida, não uma descida, na percentagem de abortos [...]”.[54] “As provas da subida na percentagem de abortos, devido ao aumento do uso dos contraceptivos, estão agora disponíveis no respeitante à Coreia, Índia, Taiwan, Irão, Turquia, Egipto e a algumas partes da América Latina”.[55] “Nenhuma sociedade controlou a sua fertilidade [...] sem recorrer a um número significativo de abortos. De facto, o aborto é frequentemente o ponto de partida no controlo da fertilidade”.[56] Uma médica e investigadora dos Brook Advisory Centres, Judith Bury ¾ “An ace abortionist” [57] ¾ confirma-o: “Há uma evidência esmagadora que, contrariamente ao que se podia esperar, a disponibilidade da contracepção leva a um aumento da percentagem de abortos” (1981)[58]. Já em 1955, numa conferência patrocinada pela PPFA, o Dr. Alfred Kinsey declarou: “Correndo o risco de me tornar repetitivo, quero recordar [...] que encontrámos a mais alta frequência de abortos provocados no grupo que, em geral, mais frequentemente usa contraceptivos”.[59] Dr. Louise Tryer, directora médica da PPFA, escreveu (1991): “Mais de três milhões de gravidezes não planeadas ocorrem todos os anos [...]; dois terços destas são devidas às falhas da contracepção”.[60] [61]


4. Atente-se, a título de exemplo, nos USA: O aborto sempre foi a questão nº1 para a PPFA (federação norte-americana das APFs). Esta organização possui a maior cadeia de clínicas de aborto nos USA: tem 900 clínicas, 130 das quais praticam o aborto. Em 1996 realizou 153.367 abortos nas suas clínicas e encaminhou 54.207 para outras. Nos últimos 28 anos realizou 2.500.000 abortos cirúrgicos: 46% são feitos em mulheres de minorias raciais, embora estas só constituam 20% da população. Defende o aborto para selecção sexual , por qualquer razão e em qualquer altura. Para além disso recomenda e distribui largamente ‘contracepção abortiva’ (MTX). Opõe-se a leis que obriguem ao consentimento informado, para quem quiser abortar, a períodos de espera para menores, ao consentimento ou notificação do pai ou do esposo, ao enterro ou cremação decente para os bebés abortados e ao estabelecimento de padrões para o licenciamento dos centros abortivos, que ajudariam a uma maior salvaguarda da saúde da mulher. Tentou forçar a Igreja Católica a prover à prática de abortos, em adolescentes, nos seus centros, levou a tribunal jornais liceais que se recusaram a inserir a sua publicidade e meteu processos judiciais para acabar com programas de educação sexual nas escolas baseados na castidade.[62]


5. O documento Inventing the Future (1985), da National Organization for Adolescent Pregnancy and Parenting e da March of Dimes, foi elaborado com a cooperação activa das IPPF/APFs. O seu objectivo: conseguir que, no ano 2008, todos os que vão à escola sejam, a partir da puberdade, obrigatoriamente, “imunizados” contra a concepção (aos 21 anos a “imunidade” seria anulada por uma vacina).[63] Importa recordar que esses “imuno-contraceptivos” funcionam, na realidade, como abortivos precoces.


A IPPF/APFs colaboram, ainda, estreitamente com a UNFPA, a UNICEF e a OMS. Estas organizações, juntamente com o Alto Comissário da ONU para os Direitos Humanos, emitiram, em Agosto de 1998, um impresso chamado “Informação da Mesa Redonda sobre os Tratados dos Direitos Humanos, a partir da perspectiva da Saúde da Mulher. Acentuando os Direitos Sexuais e Reproductivos”.[64] Partindo do princípio que “os direitos humanos à saúde da mulher têm uns conteúdos, aceites internacionalmente, que transcendem a cultura, a tradição e as normas sociais” de cada povo, o texto afirma que “as legislações que proibam ou limitem o direito ao aborto [e] a liberdade reproductiva dos menores [o que inclui a contracepção, a esterilização e o aborto]” violam os direitos humanos.[65]


Por outras palavras, não só os pais não serão tidos nem achados, ignorando-se assim os seus direitos, no que se refere aos seus filhos, como se prepara a criminalização de toda a oposição ou resistência ao aborto. Não espanta, pois, que estejam em andamento tentativas várias de criação de um Tribunal Criminal Internacional com o poder de condenar, como crime contra a humanidade, toda e qualquer oposição a esse homicídio “particularmente perverso e abominável”[66] que é o aborto.[67] De facto, se a contracepção, a esterilização e o aborto são direitos humanos, quem atentar contra eles, Estado, pessoa ou grupo, será submetido a sanções.[68]


6. Em Portugal foi público e notório o papel activíssimo que a APF teve na defesa da liberalização total do aborto, até às 10 semanas, aquando do referendo, no ano passado (1998). O Presidente da República aproveitou a primeira ocasião, a seguir ao referendo em que o Não a essa liberalização saiu vencedor, para condecorar a APF, como já foi referido, com a “Ordem de mérito público”.


Nuno Serras Pereira

Novembro de 1998



[1] The Process of Policy Formulation Within the IPPF, IPPF Background Paper, abril de 1981, 3.

[2] Para compreender como o movimento eugénico continuou subterraneamente activo promovendo a esterilização, o aborto, a eutanásia, etc., Vide Bernard Schreiber, The Men Behind Hitler, La Haye¾Mureaux, France. Michael Golden, All Kinds of Family Planning, African Universities Press, 1981. Varlos Corsi Otalora e Marfa Cristina de Corsi, The structure of Genocide, Bogota, Colombia, 1981.Emerentienne de Lagrange, Marguerita-Marie de Lagrange e Rene Bel, Un complot Contre la Vie, Societe de Production Litteraire, 1979. Claire Chambers, The SIECUS Circle, A Humanist Revolution, Western Islands, 1977.

[3] Vera Houghton, “International Planeed Parenthood Federation, Its History and Influence (Part 2).” The Eugenics Review 53.4 (Jan. 1992): 201.

[4] “Today eugenics is suggested by the most diverse minds as the most adequate and thorough avenue to the solution of racial, political and social problems. I think you must agree [...] that the campaign for birth control is not merely of eugenic value, but is practically identical with the final aims of eugenics [...] birth control propaganda is thus the entering wedge for the eugenic educator.” M. Sanger, “The Eugenic Value of Birth control Propaganda”, Birth Control Review, October 1921.

[5] Birth Control Review, Maio 1919.

[6] M. Sanger, Woman and The New Race, Brentano’s Inc., p. 63,1920.

[7] Lema do número de Dezembro da Birth Control Review, Swarthmore College Library edition,1921.

[8] M. Sanger, The Pivot of Civilization, 1922.

[9] New York Times, 31 Jan. 1922.

[10] M Sanger, “The American Baby Code.”, The American Weekly, May 27, 1934. Cite-se, a título de exemplo: “ O casamento dará ao marido e à mulher o direito a uma habitação comum, mas não o direito à paternidade. [...] Nenhuma mulher terá o direito legal a dar à luz uma criança, e nenhum homem terá o direito de ser pai, sem uma licença de paternidade [...] Nenhuma licença de paternidade será válida para mais de que um nascimento”.

[11] Birth Control Review, A Plan For Peace, April 1932. Também “[...] to apply a stern and rigid policy of sterilization and segregation to that grade of population whose progeny is already tainted, or whose inheritance is such that objectionable traits may be transmitted to offspring [...] to apportion farmlands and homesteads for these segregated persons where they would be taught to work under competent instructors for the period of their entire lives”. Idem.

[12] Birth Control Review, “Eugenic Sterilization: An Urgent Need”, April 1933.

[13] James W. Sedlak, Deadly Deception, vol. I, p. 7, HLI, 1996.

[14] Carta privada a Dr. Clarence Gamble, 19 Dezembro,1939. In Sophia Smith Collection, Smith College, North Hampton, Massachusetts e Linda Gordon’s Woman’s Body, Woman’s Right: A Social History of Birth Control in AmericaI, New York, Grossman Publishers, 1976.

[15] M. Sanger, Birth Control Review, April 1933.

[16] Paul Marx, PhD, na introdução, p. i, in Donna Steichen, Population Control Goes to School, Human Life International. O ataque eugénico aos católicos não se deve somente a grande percentagem deles pertencerem a raças “geneticamente inferiores”, mas também por serem única força que mantinha uma oposição firme a esses programas. M. Sanger, antes de morrer (1966), recebeu o prémio “Humanista do Ano”, e Faye Wattleton, presidente da PPFA, recebeu-o em 1986. Este prémio, da Associação Humanista dos USA, é outorgado à pessoa que, durante o ano, mais se distingue na difusão da ideologia humanista. Alan Guttmacher assinou o Manifesto Humanista II (1973). Este manifesto defende o direito ao controlo da natalidade, ao aborto, ao divórcio, o direito à eutanásia e ao suicídio. Afirma “que a fonte dos valores morais é a vida humana. A ética é autónoma e de situação, dispensando o sancionamento teológico ou ideológico.”

[17] Robert Marshall and Charles Donovan, Blessed Are The Barren - The Social Policy of Planeed Parenthood, Ignatius Press, San Francisco, p. 319,1991.

[18] Cit. in idem. “[...] Guttmacher praised Dr. Gordon Perkin, former PPWP medical director, who had co-authred a population control document for Ghana that contained ‘mild incentives and coercives toward family limitation’, noting to readers of his periodic insider’s newsletter that Perkin had ‘been transferred to Accra for several months to implement the new policy.’” Ibidem, p. 39.

[19] Cf “Activities Relevant to the Study of Population Policy for the U.S.” Memorandum from Frederick S. Jaffe to Bernard Berelson, March 11, 1969.

[20] Promotion of Abortion in the Developing World, IPPF, assembleia de membros, Manila, Novembro 1995, p. 4.

[21] Family Youth Concern; Promotion of Abortion in the Developing World by IPPF, p. 4. "China's Child", Horizon, BBC2, 7 de noviembre de 1983. Steven Mosher, Broken Earth; The Rural Chinese, Collier MacMillan, 1983; John S. Aird, The Slaughter of the Innocents: Coercive Birth control in China (Washington: American Enterprise Institute, 1990). The Independent, 11 Setembro 1991. Steven Mosher, “A Mother’s Ordeal”. Reader’s DigestI, February, 1987.

[22] James W. Sedlak, opus cit, p. 3.

[23] Kids and AIDS, A Guide For Parents, p. 10 Abril 1994. Publicado pela filial dos USA da IPPF. Citado in James W. Sedlak, opus cit., p. 44.

[24] Idem.

[25] Debra W. Haffner, Siecus Report, Setembro/Outubro 1988

[26] I ThinK I Might be A Lesbian...Now what Do I Do, Folheto distribuído a adolescentes pelo escritório da PPFA em Rocky Mountains, Arvada, Colorado.

[27] Sol Gordon and Roger Libby. Citado in Robert Marshall and Charles Donovan, opus cit., p. 103.

[28] 2I have known cases of farm boys who have had loving sexual relationship with an animal and who felt good about their behavior [...] Any of the farm animals may become a sexual object ¾ ponies, calves, sheep, pigs, even chickens or ducks. Dogs are also commonly used, but cats rarely.” In Wardell Pomeroy, Boys and Sex, Delacorte Press, New York, 1981, pp. 171-172.

[29] Sobre Make it Happy, de Jane Cousins, in Valerie Riches - Foreword by Professor Sir Bryan Thwaites, MA, PhD, Sex and Social Engineering, Family and Youth Concern (The Responsible Society), 1986, p. 21.

[30] Nos USA, onde os programas de educação sexual nas escolas estão implementados vai para 30 anos, 47.6% das mulheres e 20.8% dos homens foram esterilizados aos 44-45 anos. In U.S. Census Avanced Data #182, 20 March 1990.

[31] The Human Right to Family Planning, IPPF, London, 1984.

[32] “According to Planeed Parenthood, of all the health care services that teens may require, th four services most needed are abortion, contraception, treatment od sexual transmitted diseases, and obstetric care. In fact Plan. Parenthood asserts that ten-year olds have the right to contraception, sterilization and abortion without their parent’s Knowledge!” International Planeed Parenthood Foundation, Adolescent Fertility, London, 1983, p. 31.

[33] cf. Family Planning Services, Memorandum of Guidance, Departement of Health and Social Security, May 1974 (A APF do Reino Unido colaborou na elaboração deste documento, cf obra seguinte p. 23). Citado in Valerie Riches, opus cit, p. 18.

[34] Ronald Butt (Porta - voz da APF inglesa), Putting Family Planning Before Family Happiness, The Time, 5 Abril 1974.

[35] Time, 7 Setembro, 1981, 69.

[36] Mary S. Calderone, cit. in Robert Marshall and Charles Donovan, opus cit, p. 126.

[37] Idem, p. 127.

[38] Larry L. Constantine, Ibidem.

[39] cf John Money, ibidem, p. 128.

[40] L. L. Constantine, ibidem.

[41] Wardell Pomeroy, ibidem.

[42] The Clarity Collective, Taught Not Caught, Learning Development Aids, 1985. Cit. in Valerie Riches, opus cit, p. 21.

[43] Valerie Riches, idem.

[44] Robert Marshall and Charles Donovan, opus cit, pp.122-124.

[45] “We also predicted that where Martin Luther failed to reform the Roman Catholic Church, the power of a blossoming sexual freedom would corrode it throughout its fabric”. Rustum and Della Roy, idem, p. 106.

[46] Cit. in Brian Clowes, PhD, HLI Reports, p. 2, Human Life International, April 1998. A educação sexual nos USA levou, entre 1970 e 1985, ao seguinte aumento: abortos 333%, nascimentos ilegítimos 103%, maus tratos a crianças 382%, divórcio 72%, doenças sexualmente transmissíveis 245%. In United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Reference Data Book and Guide to Sources, Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1990. Mais eloquente é o crescimento entre 1960 e 1991: Abortions 800%, illegitimate birth rate 457%, child abuse 457%, divirce 133%, single parents families 214%, ‘living together’ 279%, veneral diseases 245%, teen suicide 214%, juvenile violent crime 295%. In B. Clowes, Ph. D., THE FACTS of LIFE, Human Life International, Front Royal, Virginia, 1997, p. 264.

[47] Para a IPPF a gravidez e os bebés podem ser tidos como doenças ou epidemias que se devem combater: “We have yet to beat our public health drums for birth control in the way we beat them for polio vaccine; we are still unable to put babies in the class of dangerous epidemics, even though that is the exact truth”. M. S. Calderone, Medical Director, Planeed Parenthood Federation of America, and founder of SIECUS, Medical Morals, newsletter, February-March 1968. “Unwanted pregnancy is transmitted sexually, is socially and emotionally pathologic [...] and has many other characteristics of the conventional venereal diseases”. W. Cates Jr., “Abortion as a Treatment for Unwanted Pregnancy: The Number Two Sexually-Transmitted Condition”. Adress presented to the Association of Planneed Parenthood Physicians Conference, Miami Beach, Florida, November 11-12, 1976.

[48] Cf James Sedlack, Exposing Planned Parenthood, SIECUS and Cohorts, conferência realizada no XVII Congresso Mundial de Human Life International em Houston, Texas, 15 a 17 Abril 1998, audio-cassete P-7-98040.

[49] B. Clowes, PhD, opus cit, 1998, p. 2. “It is clear that the family planning programs have contributed directly to an increase in the rate of abortion among teenagers” James Ford, MD, e Michael Schwartz, “Birth Control for teenagers: Diagram of disaster”, Linacre Quarterly, February 1979. “Instead of the expected reductions in overall teenage pregnancy rates, greater teenage involvement in family planning programs appears to be associated with higher, rather than lower, teenage pregnancy rates.” S. Weed e S. Olson, “Effects of Family Planning Programs for Teenagers on Adolescent Birth and Pregnancy Rates”, Family Perspective, Vol. 20, Number 3, p. 153. “Oral contraceptives, in fact, havr been linked by some to increasing STD rates by [...] leading to increased sexual activity [...] Epidemologic and biologic evidence seems to indicate that infection with Chlamydia Trachomatic is enhanced by oral contraceptives”. Robert Hatcher, editor, Contraceptive Technology, 1986-1987, 13 ed, revista, New York, Irvington Publishers, 1986, p. 137. “From 1971 to 1981 there was a 306% increase in Federal expenditures on family planning with a corresponding 48.3% increase in pregnancies and a 133% increases in abortion for women aged fifteen to nineteen [...] Those states with the highest expenditures on birth control [...] showed the largest increases in abortions and illegitimate births between 1970 and 1979.” George Mosbacker, “The Final Step: Clinics, Children, and contraceptives”, School-Based Clinics, p. 64.

[50] Donna Steichen, Population Control Goes to School, Human Life International, p. 19. Entre os principais financiadores encontram-se, ainda, as Fundações Rockefeller, Ford, Mellon, Hewlett, Carnegie, MacArthur e Kaiser Family. Cf. idem.

[51] “Afirma-se frequentemente que a contracepção, tornada segura e acessível a todos, é o remédio mais eficaz contra o aborto. E depois acusa-se a Igreja Católica de, na realidade, favorecer o aborto, porque continua obstinadamente a ensinar a ilicitude moral da contracepção. Bem vista, porém, a objecção é falaciosa. De facto, pode acontecer que muitos recorram aos contraceptivos com a intenção também de evitar depois a tentação do aborto. Mas os pseudo-valores inerentes à « mentalidade contraceptiva » — muito diversa do exercício responsável da paternidade e maternidade, actuada no respeito pela verdade plena do acto conjugal — são tais que tornam ainda mais forte essa tentação, na eventualidade de ser concebida uma vida não desejada. De facto, a cultura pro-aborto aparece sobretudo desenvolvida nos mesmos ambientes que recusam o ensinamento da Igreja sobre a contracepção. [...] Infelizmente, emerge cada vez mais a estreita conexão que existe, a nível de mentalidade, entre as práticas da contracepção e do aborto, como o demonstra, de modo alarmante, a produção de fármacos, dispositivos intra-uterinos e fárma­cos ad­ministrados por via oral ou injectáveis, os quais, distribuídos com a mesma facilidade dos contraceptivos, actuam na prática como abortivos nos primeiros dias de desenvolvimento da vida do novo ser humano.” João Paulo II, Evangelium Vitae, nº 13.

Também Paulo VI, na Humanae Vitae, alertou, profeticamente, para os perigos da contracepção, não só a nível pessoal mas também social e político.

Já Mahatma Gandhi, apesar de pressionado por M. Sanger (a IPPF foi fundada em Bombaim), alertava: “Artificial methods [of contraception] are like putting a premium on vice They make men and women reckless [...] Nature is relentless and will have full revenge for any such violation of her laws. Moral resuts can only be produced by moral restraints. All other restraints defeat the very purpose for wich they are intended. If artificial methods become the order of the day, nothing but moral degradation can be the result. A society that has already become enervated through a variety of causes will still become further enervated by the adoption of artificial methods [...] As it is, man has sufficiently degraded women for his lust, and artificial methods, no matter how well-meaning the advocates may be, will still further degrade her.” D. G. Tendulkar (editor), The Collected Works of Mahatma Ghandi, Vols. 2 e 4. Published by the Ministry of Information and broadcasting, Government of India. Cit in F. A. S. Antonisamy, Wisdom for All Times: Mahatma Gandhi and Pope Paul VI, On Birth Regulation, Family Life Service Centre, Archbishop’s House, Pondicherry 605001 India, june 1978.

[52] Entre outros vide: Regine Stix, Mill Bank Memorial Fund Quarterly, 1935; Raymond Pearl, The Natural History of Population, Oxford University Press, London and New York,1939.

[53] Malcolm Potts, Peter Diggory y John Peel, Abortion, Cambridge University Press, London, 1970. p. 230.

[54] Report, Cambrige Evening News, 7 February 1973. Cit. in Valerie Riches, opus cit, p. 23.

[55] M. Potts, MD, e Clive Wood, editors, New Concepts in Contraception, Baltimore, University Park Press, p. 12.

[56] Malcolm Potts, Fertility Rights, The Guardian, 25 April 1979..

[57] in Paul Marx, PhD, Faithful for Life, Human Life International, 1997, p. 49.

[58] Judith Bury, Sex Education for Bureaucrats, The Scotsman, 29 June 1981. Christopher Tietze, também abortista, declarou: “The safest regimen of control for the unmarried and for married child-spacers is the use of traditional methods [ of contraception] backed up by abortion; but if this regimen is commenced early in the child-bearing years, it is likely to involve several abortions in the course of her reproductive carreer for each woman who chooses it.” C. Tietze, J. Bongaarts, e B. Schearer, “Mortality Associated with the Control of Fertility”, Family Planning Perspectives, January-February 1976.

[59] Alfred Kinsey, numa Conferência sobre aborto provocado, patrocinada por Planeed Parenthood. Cit. in Mary Calderone, MD, Directora Médica de Planeed Parenthood of America (editor). Abortion in the United States, New York, Paul B. Hoeber, Inc., 1956, p. 157.

[60] Dr. Louise Tryer, letter, Wall Street Journal, 26 April 1991.

[61] “I suggest to you that, for the individual, the role of abortion will be, as it has been, the second line of defense against harmful pregnancy and the unwanted child. These are contraceptives failures. The societal role will require that we see family planning in a true light: no matter how thin you slice it, ladies and gentlemen, family planning is a euphemism. We don´t intend or desire to prevent conception for conception sake; we want to prevent conception because of what follows conception. Family planning is the prvention of births, and as birth is the end of sequence which beguins with the sexual urge, then family planning is anti-conception, anti-nidation, and the termination of the conceptus if implanted. This is the societal role of abortion in the future.” Prof. Irvin Cushner, John Hopkins School of Medicine, no Symposium sobre Implementation of Therapeutic Abortion, International Hotel, Los Angeles, 22 a 24 Janeiro, 1971. Cit. in Marriage and Family NewsLetter, July 1971, p. 3.

[62] Cf. B. Clowes, PhD, opus cit, pp. 1,2 e 11.

[63] Arizona Right to Life News, dezembro, 1998, p. 3.

[64] Pbro. Dr. Juan Claudio Sanahuja, Noticias de la ONU, Número 05/99. Informe nº 142
Buenos Aires, 17 de enero 1999.

[65] Cf. Idem.

[66] João Paulo II, Evangelium Vitae, nº 58.

[67] Catholic Family and Human Rights Institute, Friday Fax, Vol. I, Number 25, April 3, 1998.

[68] Cf. Juan C. Sanahuja, opus cit.