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domingo, 5 de maio de 2013

A guerra relâmpago dos ideólogos do Anticristo - por Nuno Serras Pereira

05. 05. 2013


É caso para grande espanto e enorme susto não só a penetração vertiginosa e avassaladora das ideologias “gay” e do “género” nas legislações, com a consequente aprovação do dolosamente chamado casamento entre pessoas do mesmo sexo (uma impossibilidade absoluta) como também a “política de apaziguamento, à maneira pusilânime de Neville Chamberlain, que tem sido seguida quer por largos sectores da Igreja em diversas nações, quer por políticos cobardes, quer pela generalidade das sociedades confusas e manipuladas pelo desmedido poder, organização cuidada, estratégia inteligentemente delineada de que gozam os exércitos internacionais, que implacavelmente conduzem esta abominável guerra mundial não só contra o Judeu-cristianismo, mas contra a própria natureza da pessoa humana. 


Que ninguém se iluda, trata-se de uma verdadeira e própria guerra comparável, em malignidade e poder de destruição, embora, para já, não tão visível, às conduzidas pelos perversos nazismo e comunismo. E a verdade é que nos estamos deixando invadir e colonizar com a maior das indiferenças, com raras excepções, semelhante aliás ao que sucedeu aquando do brotar e expandir dessas outras inumanidades. Sugiro que ninguém duvide do que afirmo, somente por ser um miserável e idiota franciscano a dizê-lo. 


Objectos principais desta injusta agressão violentíssima são o casamento, a família e a Igreja, por serem os baluartes essenciais da pessoa, da sociedade, da liberdade – estas são as associações intermédias fundamentais que, interpondo-se entre o indivíduo e o estado impedem a atomização daquele e o protegem da consequente tirania por parte do totalitarismo estatal.


A França, apesar da derrota legislativa, mostrou, por parte do povo cristão e da Igreja, uma determinação que, ao que se pode saber, não desparecerá tão depressa, em defesa do Amor e da Verdade. Nos EUA travam-se batalhas renhidas entre a racionalidade do Amor e da Verdade e a inversão intrinsecamente perversa. Lá os Bispos não receiam proclamar a verdade e convidar insistentemente os cristãos à oração e ao jejum, e aos empenhos cívicos aos níveis legislativos e políticos necessários à defensa da pessoa humana.

Left and Right agree: Gay “marriage” brings in “choking,” “authoritarian” social “conformism” - by Hilary White, Rome Correspondent

ROME, May 2, 2013 (LifeSiteNews.com) – While pro-family advocates have noted the incredible rate at which the homosexualist movement has gained the political upper hand in the last five years, others are voicing concern about the shrinking “social space” in the public discourse for those who still object to “gay marriage.”

Some pundits on the left and the center-right are warning that as the homosexual movement gains legislative ground, the freedom to object is narrowing and those holding out against it are increasingly under threat. The stunning advances made by the “gay movement” some are saying, is not a triumph for social freedom, but for an increasingly brutally enforced social conformism.

Left-libertarian British journalist Brendan O’Neill warned in a column in Spiked, that in 20 years of writing on political issues, “I have never encountered an issue like gay marriage, an issue in which the space for dissent has shrunk so rapidly, and in which the consensus is not only stifling but choking.”

The change in public opinion, O’Neill added, can best be described as a “conformism, the slow but sure sacrifice of critical thinking and dissenting opinion under pressure to accept that which has been defined as a good by the upper echelons of society: gay marriage.”

“In truth, the extraordinary rise of gay marriage speaks, not to a new spirit of liberty or equality on a par with the civil-rights movements of the 1960s, but rather to the political and moral conformism of our age; to the weirdly judgmental non-judgmentalism of our PC times; to the way in which, in an uncritical era such as ours, ideas can become dogma with alarming ease and speed; to the difficulty of speaking one’s mind or sticking with one’s beliefs at a time when doubt and disagreement are pathologised.”

Elsewhere, O’Neill described the movement as an “iron fist in a velvet glove,” and denounced the Conservative government’s “authoritarian instinct” in forcing objectors to comply. He said it is the only issue on which, after having argued against it from a “liberal” perspective, he has received death threats.

Christopher Caldwell, a writer for the Weekly Standard, wrote for the Claremont Institute website last month, “The most troubling aspect of the gay-marriage movement is that, more than any social movement in living memory, more than feminism at its bra-burning peak in the 1970s, it aims not to engage in lively debate but to shut it down.”

The internet has made it much easier to shut down this debate, Caldwell added. “Anyone who expresses the slightest misgivings about gay marriage can become the object of boycotts, blacklists, and attempts to get him fired.”

“It is certainly worth asking why, if this is a liberation movement, it should be happening now, in an age not otherwise gaining a reputation as freedom’s heyday.”

“Half the country cannot even fathom the logic of it,” Caldwell said. “Until about a decade ago, the public was nearly unanimous in considering it a joke.”

“In a decade, gay marriage has gone from joke to dogma,” and now both activists in the homosexualist movement and their supporters in governments and media consider “gay marriage” to be a fait accompli and only a matter of time before it is universal throughout the west.

O’Neill quotes polls in the U.S. that found 58 percent of Americans support “gay marriage”, compared with just 37percent a decade ago; and a British poll in which 62percent in support compared to 31percent against 10 years ago.

O’Neill adds that in that time, it has become increasingly dangerous for anyone in politics or elsewhere to object. “Opponents of gay marriage are now treated by the press in the same way queer-rights agitators were in the past: as strange, depraved creatures, whose repenting and surrender to mainstream values we await with bated breath.”

In his review of the book From the Closet to the Altar: Courts, Backlash, and the Struggle for Same-Sex Marriage, by Michael J. Klarman, Caldwell notes the effect of the media’s promotion and the changes in law have had on public opinion. He wrote, “A barrage of judicial activism on one issue can soften up voting public’s resistance on others.”

“Marriage litigation has been a bonanza,” he added. “Judicial fiat put a halo of normalcy around gay marriage where none had existed before…When elites rally unanimously to a cause, it can become a kind of common sense.” No one, he said, wants to be seen to be more conservative than his neighbours, and “the elite view thus becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy.”

O’Neill wrote that while the movement normally gets cast as a continuation of the American civil rights movement of the 1950s and ‘60s, “it’s better understood as a continuation, and intensification, of the modern state’s desire to get a foot in the door of our private lives and to assume sovereignty over our relationships.

“From the get-go, the depiction of the campaign for gay marriage as a liberty-tinged movement for greater equality was questionable to say the least,” he said.

Where “gay marriage” has been installed, it has largely been the result of the deliberate suppression of the democratic process and the work of the judiciary, the “legal elite.”

Caldwell writes, “Never since the Progressive Era has there been a social movement as elite-driven as the one for gay marriage. No issue divides the country more squarely by class. Opponents of California’s anti-marriage Proposition 8 have come to include virtually all of Hollywood, Apple, Google, Amazon, and the White House.”

O’Neill agrees, saying, “Grassroots public protesting for the right of homosexuals to marry was notable by its absence. Instead, this has been a movement led by lawyers and professional activists, backed by the CEOs of hedge-fund corporations and newspapers of record such as The Times.”

Caldwell quotes research that found public support for gay marriage has been increasing by four points a year since 2009. “Public opinion does not change this fast in free societies. Either opinion is not changing as fast as it appears to be, or society is not as free,” he concludes.

segunda-feira, 18 de julho de 2011

El arzobispo de Burgos, duro contra la demagogia, el populismo y las leyes que no son tales

In Religión en Libertad

La pastoral de este domingo del arzobispo de Burgos se titula Cuando las leyes no son tales, y en ella Francisco Gil Hellín recuerda la clásica doctrina tomista de que las leyes injustan no merecen la denominación de ley.

Tras evocar la proximidad histórica de las tiranías de Stalin, Hitler o Sadam Hussein, o de la esclavitud en Estados Unidos y el Reino Unido, monseñor Gil Hellín afirma que "una ley civil no tiene rango de tal por el mero hecho de que sea promulgada por la autoridad del momento. Ni siquiera de una autoridad elegida democráticamente".

Hay decisiones que, tomadas por un sátrapa o por un Parlamento, invaden "un terreno que pertenece a otra instancia superior, a saber: la naturaleza de la persona humana... Hay realidades, en efecto, que son pre-políticas, es decir, anteriores y superiores a toda autoridad humana. Y, por ello, de rango superior a las decisiones de los legisladores. La consecuencia más radical es que pueden existir leyes que no sean tales, leyes aparentes, no reales, por más que se aprueben en un Parlamento o aparezcan en las páginas de un Boletín Oficial del Estado".

La sociedad frente al poder
Sostiene el arzobispo de Burgos, "quiéranlo o no los relativistas y positivistas", que "los derechos humanos emergen de nuestra dignidad intrínseca como personas, no de concesiones graciosas del Estado. Si hubiere leyes que violasen derechos fundamentales de la persona humana no serían leyes ni tendrían carácter vinculante. Más aún, habría que oponerse a ellas y luchar con medios legítimos para su erradicación". Porque si considerásemos moral todo lo que es legal, "podríamos llegar a aberraciones absolutamente monstruosas".

Pero además, como demuestra "el final de algunos dirigentes políticos del máximo rango en su nación... el campo no admite puertas" y "la demagogia y el populismo tienen las piernas cortas y enfermas". Una afirmación que igual podría ir referida al Führer o al ex jefe del Estado iraquí, que a personalidades políticas en curso de salida actual, pues en ese sentido monseñor Gil Hellín sabe decir las cosas muy claras.

"La sociedad ha de ser muy celosa para proteger y salvaguardar sus derechos", concluye, "y ser muy consciente de que no es ella la que está al servicio de la clase política, mediática o económica, sino que éstas están a su servicio". Asímismo, defiende el papel de las instituciones intermedias y de la subsidiariedad como forma de que la sociedad controle a la autoridad civil "para impedir que ésta invada su terreno".

"Es mejor prevenir que curar", remata.

terça-feira, 7 de dezembro de 2010

The progressive matrix of the new tyranny


"How can one talk about a 'new tyranny' when never before have men enjoyed so much freedom and so many rights?" It's a question the reader unfamiliar with the subject might well ask. The classical tyrannies, in effect, were characterized by the fact that they stifled freedom and denied rights. Men were aware of this usurpation because, deprived of something that belonged to them by nature, they felt diminished.

The new tyranny of which we are speaking, instead, exalts man to the point of adoration, giving him the opportunity to turn his interests and desires into freedoms and rights, which however are no longer inherent in him by nature, but become the "gracious concessions" of a power that legally ratifies them. And so, turned into a child who contemplates his own whims as these are maximized and satisfied, the man of our time is more than ever the hostage of the assertions of power that guarantee him the enjoyment of all-encompassing liberty and constantly expanding rights. In the classical tyrannies, the subject at least still had the consolation of knowing that he was oppressed by a power that was violating his nature; but those who are subjected to this new tyranny have no consolation other than the protection of the same power that has lifted them up to the altar of adoration. And so without even realizing it man has become a tool in the hands of those who tend to him with painstaking care, as ants tend to aphids before feeding on them.

In exchange for these "gracious concessions," man accepts a hegemonic view of the world that is imposed on him and turns him into an object of social engineering. Let's call this hegemonic view the "progressive Matrix": a mirage, a grand illusion or trompe-l'oeil that is accepted with a gregarious spirit. Those who dare to question the trompe-l'oeil are immediately the target of anathemas, they are considered reprobates or blasphemers, enemies of the worship of man. The progressive Matrix used by the left has also been assimilated by the right, which has declined to join the battle where the confrontation with the adversary would be dynamic and exciting: on the level of principles. In its capitulation, the right limits itself to introducing insignificant variations on the working of the grand machine, but does not dare to use its gears. It's like plowing without oxen.

The progressive Matrix has thus become a sort of Messianic faith; it has instituted a new order, it has imposed unassailable cultural principles, it has established a new anthropology that, while promising ultimate liberation to man, holds nothing for him but future suicide. And standing against this new order is only the religious order, which restores to man his true nature and offers him a correct view of the world that undermines the foundations of the trompe-l'oeil on which the new tyranny is based, dispelling its falsehoods. A vision that power makes a great effort in combating, since the religious order is the only bulwark to be destroyed before its triumph is complete.

Rampant secularism accuses the Church of meddling in politics, citing for support the Gospel passage that is typically flourished by those who do not read the Gospel: "Give to Caesar what is Caesar's, and to God what is God's." But what is it that belongs to Caesar? Temporal things, earthly realities; but, naturally, not the principles of the moral order that are born from human nature itself, not the ethical foundations of the temporal order. The new tyranny, which is so intent on expanding the "liberties" of its subjects, denies the Church the liberty of judging the morality of temporal actions, since it knows that this judgment would include a radical subversion of the trompe-l'oeil on which its very existence is based. Power longs for a pharisaic, corrupt Church that would decline to restore to humanity its true nature and would accept that "mystery of iniquity" which is the adoration of man; it hopes for a Church brought to its knees before Caesar, transformed into the "whore that fornicates with the kings of the earth" spoken of in Revelation.

Today in the West this great clash is being engaged, which the new tyranny disguises very effectively as an "ideological battle." But if this were truly an "ideological battle," power would not consider this a subversion; because ideology is precisely the fertile ground that favors its supremacy, in that it establishes a "demo-tussle," a "democratic" fight of all against all, capable of turning men into petulant children fighting for their "freedom" and "rights," just as the builders of Babel fought, in the midst of the confusion, to raise a tower that would reach heaven.

The battle that is joined today is not ideological, but anthropological, because it tends to restore to men their authentic nature, permitting them to emerge from the Babelic confusion fomented by ideology, until they reach the road leading to the original principles. If it succeeds – if the Matrix is dismantled – men will discover that they do not need to build towers in order to reach heaven, for the simple reason that heaven is already within them, even if the new tyranny seeks to strip it from them.

The articles collected in this volume are dispatches from this battle, issued from the platforms that the newspaper "ABC" and the magazine "XL Semanal" have given me for more than 13 years, and that "L'Osservatore Romano," "Capital," and "Padres y Colegios" have recently inaugurated. The curious reader will note that these "battle dispatches" combine diatribe and introspection, invective and elegy, reflection of a political nature and artistic digression; he will even find a selection of observations made during a spring in Rome that changed the direction of my life, because it was then – in the days following the death of John Paul II – that I definitively adhered to the "ancient liberty," the antidote to all the tyrannies of the world. In an age of uncertainty that leaves man adrift in a sea of troubles, Rome stood before me, suddenly, like a rock of salvation: I am not referring to religious salvation alone, but also cultural, because I consider the faith of Rome a bulwark that clarifies the terms of our spiritual genealogy and shelters us from the squalls into which the new tyranny would like to toss us. Rejecting this boundless possession means signing an act of social death; claiming it as one's own does not constitute an act of submission, but of proud and joyful freedom.

The eternal revolution of Christianity consists in revealing to us the meaning of life, restoring to us our nature; from this discovery is born a joy with no expiration date. When this joy is combined with a minimum of artistic sensibility, life becomes a feast for the intelligence. Chesterton wrote that joy, which was the small publicity of the pagan, is the gigantic secret of the Christian. I, who am a somewhat immodest Christian, have sought in these articles to make public, or at least provide a glimpse of, this gigantic secret that pervades and transcends me.

by Juan Manuel de Prada

Madrid, March 2009