Mostrar mensagens com a etiqueta Economia e Finanças. Mostrar todas as mensagens
Mostrar mensagens com a etiqueta Economia e Finanças. Mostrar todas as mensagens

terça-feira, 3 de dezembro de 2013

Some Economic Applications of Evangelii Gaudium - by Wendy P. Warcholik

In Crisis

I am a Catholic and it is the very intellectual foundations of the Catholic Church that drew me back to my faith. I grew up admiring Pope John Paul II’s battle against communism—a battle that we now know he played an integral part in.

Pope Francis’s background is very different from his two most recent predecessors. Admittedly, I worried about his views coming out of the more liberal Jesuit order. Now his latest encyclical, Evangelii Gaudium, would seem to confirm some of my worst fears, especially as an economist. Samuel Gregg from the Acton Institute does an excellent of job here of pointing out those fears.

Here is the offending passage that has so many of my free-market friends in an uproar:
[S]ome people continue to defend trickle-down theories which assume that economic growth, encouraged by a free market, will inevitably succeed in bringing about greater justice and inclusiveness in the world. This opinion, which has never been confirmed by the facts, expresses a crude and naïve trust in the goodness of those wielding economic power and in the sacralized workings of the prevailing economic system. Meanwhile, the excluded are still waiting. To sustain a lifestyle which excludes others, or to sustain enthusiasm for that selfish ideal, a globalization of indifference has developed. Almost without being aware of it, we end up being incapable of feeling compassion at the outcry of the poor, weeping for other people’s pain, and feeling a need to help them, as though all this were someone else’s responsibility and not our own. The culture of prosperity deadens us; we are thrilled if the market offers us something new to purchase; and in the meantime all those lives stunted for lack of opportunity seem a mere spectacle; they fail to move us. (n. 54)
However, to me the answer to this is in the section just prior. In fact, paragraph 54 starts with the phrase “In this context,” which many seem to have ignored.
Just as the commandment “Thou shalt not kill” sets a clear limit in order to safeguard the value of human life, today we also have to say “thou shalt not” to an economy of exclusion and inequality. Such an economy kills. How can it be that it is not a news item when an elderly homeless person dies of exposure, but it is news when the stock market loses two points? This is a case of exclusion. Can we continue to stand by when food is thrown away while people are starving? This is a case of inequality. Today everything comes under the laws of competition and the survival of the fittest, where the powerful feed upon the powerless. As a consequence, masses of people find themselves excluded and marginalized: without work, without possibilities, without any means of escape.
Human beings are themselves considered consumer goods to be used and then discarded. We have created a “disposable” culture which is now spreading. It is no longer simply about exploitation and oppression, but something new. Exclusion ultimately has to do with what it means to be a part of the society in which we live; those excluded are no longer society’s underside or its fringes or its disenfranchised—they are no longer even a part of it. The excluded are not the ‘exploited’ but the outcast, the ‘leftovers’.
My reading of this conforms to a significant problem I have had with some free market, libertarian leaning economists which is that any monetary generating activity is of equal value to society. For instance, if I spend $1,000 on an abortion or $1,000 on a life-saving procedure, are the two activities really of the same value—one activity ends life while the other saves life?

Yet, according to our economic bean-counters, the two procedures go into our Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and America’s income goes up. If we suddenly decided to abort every baby in America, GDP would zoom, but within a few years it would become painfully obvious that a 100 percent abortion rate is also bad economics—which I recently pointed out in my blog “Demographic Winter Comes to America.”

And, abortions feed economic inequality since abortions are most prevalent among poor women with an abortion rate of 53 per 1,000 women representing 40 percent of all abortions. At the same time, well-heeled doctors and the health system pocket the abortion money, including government funded Medicaid dollars. Just look at Dr. Gosnell and how he enriched himself while inflicting physical and spiritual pain.

From abortions we move into chemical contraception, ie, the “pill,” which is an abortificant—meaning they cause abortions since it does not prevent the fertilization of an egg only the attachment to the mother. According to the Guttmacher Institute, 10.54 million women in 2010 used the pill. If you assume $100 per month per woman, that is $12.6 billion added to GDP every year. This does not include more expensive chemical contraception such as intrauterine devices or implants.

Another example is gambling. Living in Northern New England, I am surrounded by states that have legalized gambling. Gambling may be most representative of Pope Francis’s “human beings as consumer goods” where the industry is built on massive amounts of deception and exists solely to remove the money from your wallet as quickly as possible.

Studies have shown that casinos and other gambling venues are an economic blackhole for the communities that they are located in. The revenue generated from, mostly local, customers is wisked away never to return. Yet, economic theory says that this economic activity is just as valuable as any other—until it’s not.

Then there is the massive Hollywood-Entertainment complex whose shows and movies anymore are a cesspool of promiscuity, dysfunctional families, homosexuality, crude language, etc. that glorifies sin over virtue. It’s no surprise from the way mainstream American families are portrayed that traditional marriage has eroded and cohabitation has surged. And from the Pope’s perspective, this form of demonic communication is brought to you courtesy of America’s free market.

Speaking of the breakdown in traditional marriage, proponents of same-sex marriage talk about the economic benefits that would accrue to a state that allowed for it. According to an article in the Huffington Post titled “Gay Marriage And The Economy: Same-Sex Unions Will Boost Economy By $166 Million, Study Finds”:
The Williams Institute at UCLA Law reported Monday that wedding spending by same-sex couples in the three newest states to approve gay marriage may generate more than $166 million over the next three years. The Institute estimates that same-sex couples in Maine will collectively spend $15.5 million, Maryland couples will spend $62.6 million and Washingtonians will spend $88.5 million on weddings.
Finally, one last example is the growing movement toward drug legalization. Just down the road Portland, Maine became the latest city to legalize marijuana. Surely, moving illicit drug sales into the open will be a boost to GDP. And, so will all of the growth in the drug rehab business, bankruptcy and divorce courts, and counseling services.

Abortion, contraception, gambling, same-sex marriage, and drug legalization are all examples of a free market at work that will not bring “greater justice and inclusiveness in the world” from an economic or, more importantly, spiritual standpoint. Yet, when Pope Francis looks at an economic powerhouse like the United States, he must wonder how much of our income and wealth, or more technically measured by GDP, is predicated on this “economy of exclusion and inequality.”

On the flip side, GDP undervalues activities that often have a high spiritual component. For instance, in large part because of my faith, I stay at home and homeschool my four children. According to Salary.com, the work of a stay-at-home mother is worth at least $113,599. When accounting for in GDP, am I not at least worth the pay of a casino dealer?

Overall, why wouldn’t Pope Francis be a bit unimpressed by America’s economic prowess and the workings of the free market in promoting sin and under-promoting virtue? A free market needs boundaries in order to operate efficiently, such as some government regulation. A free market also needs boundaries to operate spiritually and, in my opinion, that is the Christian faith.

Overall, I can’t help but think that Pope Francis really isn’t criticizing America’s free market so much as he is criticizing America’s waning Christian faith. I think economists have forgotten that the Catholic Church is, first and foremost, in the business of saving souls. If we want the Pope to take the free market seriously it is up to all of us to show that economic growth helps, not hinders, salvation.

quarta-feira, 13 de novembro de 2013

Papal Economics, by "For a long time to come, this book - Papal Economics, by Maciej Zieba OP - may well be the definitive work on the economic teaching of the modern popes." - Michael Novak

In CERC

On March 13, 2013, white smoke emerged from the chimney of the Sistine Chapel, signaling that the Catholic Church had elected a new pope.  The latest successor of St. Peter was Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio, archbishop of Buenos Aires, Argentina, who became known as Pope Francis.  Initial reports focused on the firsts associated with his papacy:  he was the first pope from the Americas, the first Jesuit pope, and the first pontiff to take the name Francis.  Commentators quickly tried to gauge the direction the Church would take under Francis's leadership.  Much of the speculation, particularly from the secular press, centered on how the new pope would address people of other religions, handle the Roman Curia, respond to abuse scandals within the Church, and treat issues such as same-sex marriage, abortion, and contraception.

Less discussed, but equally important, was the question of how Pope Francis would influence Catholic social teaching.  What is man's place in society, particularly in economic and political life?  How should we regard the institutions of democratic capitalism that have become the model for so much of the world?  These questions could not be ignored, especially given the damage wrought by the global economic crisis that began in 2007.

There is, in fact, a well-developed body of Catholic social teaching on the economic and political order.  This teaching can be traced back to the social encyclical Pope Leo XIII issued in 1891, Rerum Novarum.  In the more than 120 years since, Leo's successors have built on this encyclical with further teachings on capitalism and socialism, wealth and poverty, democracy and authoritarianism, and more.  The importance of Rerum Novarum is reflected in the timing of several subsequent social encyclicals.  For example, Pope Pius XI's Quadragesimo Anno — released in 1931, during the Great Depression — was published on the fortieth anniversary of Leo's landmark encyclical;  Mater et Magistra (1961) commemorated the seventieth anniversary;  Pope John Paul II's Laborem Exercens (1981), the ninetieth;  and John Paul's Centesimus Annus (1991), the hundredth.

Other social encyclicals dealing with economics have appeared as well — including, in 2009, Pope Benedict XVI's Caritas in Veritate — but ultimately it is Centesimus Annus that stands out.  John Paul's encyclical is at once in sync with a grand tradition of Catholic social thought and a work of real innovation.

To begin, Centesimus Annus provides the most comprehensive answer to a deceptively challenging question:  What is the Church's position on democratic capitalism?  For decades commentators of all stripes have tried to enlist Catholic social teaching in their cause, variously arguing that it is left-wing or right-wing, pro-socialist or pro-capitalist or even pro–"third way."  Such interpretations illustrate what the Acton Institute's Samuel Gregg calls "the limits of applying secular political categories to something like the Catholic Church." 

In my new book, Papal Economics, I aim to correct the misconceptions about the Church's teachings on economics.  Although the teaching has evolved in certain important respects over more than a century, the social encyclicals display a continuity that many observers have missed.  As early as Rerum Novarum in the nineteenth century, popes rejected socialism as wrong at its core — as "proposing a remedy far worse than the evil" it was designed to cure, in the words of Quadragesimo Anno.  Moreover, it is clear, especially from Centesimus Annus, that a democratic state characterized by the rule of law and endowed with a market economy deserves praise and respect as a place in which human freedom can find expression.

Of course, this praise and respect cannot be unqualified.  In taking a comprehensive approach, the encyclicals outline the dangers associated with democratic capitalism as well as the opportunities.  In any case, the Church's teaching on economics and politics is not about endorsing particular social institutions or designing ones of a more "confessional" shape.  It reminds us, more broadly, of the relationships between man, society, and the state and of the preeminence of culture over politics and economics.

Catholic social teaching thus makes an essential contribution in moving beyond the narrow confines of secular discourse.  The most serious dangers arise when the state and the market are elevated to absolutes in themselves — when man's spiritual dimensions are subordinated to his material ones.  The market economy and the democratic order must operate in a larger culture that allows man to discover the transcendent dignity of each person and realize his humanity by giving himself to his fellow men and to God.

In short, the very survival of democratic capitalism depends on a culture rooted in transcendent truth.  For, as Pope John Paul II suggests in Centesimus Annus, in a world without truth, freedom loses its meaning, the market loses its efficiency, and democracy yields to statism and even totalitarianism.




segunda-feira, 7 de outubro de 2013

Austeridade à lusitana - por João César das Neves

In DN

Há dois anos e meio, 6 de Abril de 2011, o primeiro-ministro José Sócrates anunciou o pedido de ajuda financeira. Passados 30 meses qual é a situação da economia e da sociedade portuguesas? Ouvindo as fúrias retóricas que gera, a questão parece desastrosa. Mas ao lado da epopeia político-literária foi acontecendo uma evolução social bastante mais complexa e ambígua. O resultado final do programa, até meados de 2014, e a suas eventuais sequelas dependem crucialmente deste balanço.

Evitando alaridos incendiários, a situação pode resumir-se a dois elementos básicos, ligado a dois traços históricos do carácter nacional, flexibilidade e corporativismo. Há séculos que Portugal é um país excelente a improvisar e a inovar, mas onde os interesses sempre se entrincheiram. Este episódio renova essas tendências.

O primeiro vector vê-se no espantoso ajustamento das famílias e pequenas empresas, mercados, trabalhadores e empresários perante o aperto. Independentemente do que se achar da austeridade, os cidadãos portugueses revelaram uma admirável flexibilidade e adaptação. A mudança de atitude dos agentes económicos começou cedo e surpreendeu os analistas internacionais.

A balança comercial, que no início de 2010 tinha um défice de 9% do PIB, atingiu o equilíbrio a meio de 2012, reforçado desde então. A emigração, tradicional válvula de escape, voltou a acelerar, saindo mais de cem mil pessoas em cada um dos anos de ajustamento. Quase inaudito é que, apesar da pressão financeira sobre as famílias, a sua taxa de poupança tenha mais do que duplicado, do mínimo de 5,6% do rendimento disponível em 2008 para 13,3% a meio deste ano. É verdade que estes e outros indicadores resultam dos custos da terrível recessão; mas outros países com ajustamentos semelhantes não conseguiram resultados tão rápidos. Isto aponta para a tradicional e espantosa capacidade de adaptação do nosso tecido socioeconómico, que os recentes sinais incipientes da recuperação irão aproveitar.

Ao lado deste sucesso, paralelo a grandes feitos antigos, surge também o velho fantasma corporativo, que tantas vezes bloqueou o País. Os portugueses, mesmo em terrível emergência, insistem em defender interesses e privilégios através de entranhados mecanismos sociais e políticos. Direitos adquiridos, favores, "cunhas", redes de influência têm enorme poder, e estão em plena acção nestes anos a dois níveis, um mais visível do que outro.

O primeiro é o protesto, reivindicação e bloqueio legislativo e judicial às medidas de ajustamento. Apesar das evidentes dificuldades nacionais, alguns grupos acham-se com direito a manter benesses que a sociedade evidentemente não consegue pagar. Pior, estes são os grupos mais próximos do Estado - funcionários, médicos, professores, pensionistas, autarquias -, precisamente os mais favorecidos nos anos de fartura. Fingindo-se desvalidos, abusam dos impostos dos pobres. As forças políticas vão à boleia do embuste, capitalizando no descontentamento e contribuindo para a desigualdade nacional. Desempregados, empresas falidas, imigrantes, contribuintes, que realmente são os mais afectados pela crise, acabam sempre sacrificados e usados como figura de retórica para preservar benesses de outros.

O segundo nível, talvez mais grave, é o das empresas e poderes económicos próximos do Estado, que têm distorcido o ajustamento a seu favor. Se as pequenas e médias ajustaram rápido, como vimos, muitas grandes empresas conseguem proteger-se graças a relações políticas. Através de rendas, apoios e influências, os bancos, construtoras, comunicações, energia, outros serviços básicos e alguns grupos económicos mantêm artificialmente negócios e investimentos insustentáveis. O capitalismo de compadres tem muito poder num país corporativo.

O balanço entre flexibilidade e corporativismo ainda é ambíguo. Certo é que aqueles que hoje bloqueiam as reformas em defesa de interesses particulares arriscam a ruína nacional, que os destruirá a eles e a todos, como repetidamente tem mostrado a nossa história.





sábado, 24 de agosto de 2013

JONATHAN LAST’S What to Expect When No One is Expecting: America’s Coming Economic Disaster - by William E. May

In Culture of Life Foundation 

Last’s Thesis
America’s fertility rate is falling precipitously and if nothing is done to reverse this situation the nation’s population will no longer be able to care for the swelling numbers of the elderly, or have adequate financial resources to maintain a military force capable of resisting hostile and populous nations.  This is the thesis of Jonathan Last’s recent book, What To Expect When No One is Expecting.

America’s Falling Fertility
In Last’s Introduction, he describes the situation in Old Town Alexandria, VA where he and his wife lived until they had children and moved to rural Virginia.  In 2008, a children’s clothing store closed because of sluggish sales.  By 2012, “the average family in Old Town consist[ed] of a mother, a father, and 0. 57 children,” which means that “the average Old Town married couple has a bit more than half a child!”  More broadly, “the fertility rate for white, college-educated women (we’ll use them because they serve as a fair proxy for our middle class), is only 1.6,” almost as low as the fertility rate in China and far below the replacement level of 2.1.

Accompanying the decline in fertility is the proliferation of pet shops and facilities to care for pets. In Old Town, this growth was spectacular, but it is widespread throughout the country. In Old Town, when people went on holiday, they could leave their dog at “Dog Town,” where each dog had a “separate house complete with air conditioning.”

Opponents will say there’s no need to worry about America’s population, pointing out that in 2010, 50.5 million Americans were of Hispanic descent and that the fertility rate for Hispanic women was 2.3 in 2012.  Moreover, between 2000 and 2009, the total population of the U.S. increased by 27.5 million people—more than half of which were Hispanic.  In addition, the growing population of Americans of Asian descent also had healthy fertility rates.  But Last shows that this is not likely to continue.  The fertility of Hispanic women in the U.S. quickly trends downward toward America's national average.  Furthermore, the fertility rates of the Latin American nations from which these immigrants come, though higher than rates in the U.S., are falling even more sharply.

The decline of American fertility “is the result of a complex constellation of factors, operating independently, with both foreseeable and unintended consequences.  From big things—like the decline in church attendance and the increase of women in the workplace—to little things—like a law mandating car seats in Tennessee or the reform of divorce laws in California—our modern world has evolved in such a way as to subtly discourage childbearing.”  Last also notes the impact of the birth control pill, legalized abortion and the delay in marriage and child-bearing.

How to Make Babies, Wanted and Desired
Having described the many roadblocks to having children, Last makes several proposals to remove them, including:
1.  Reform Social Security. The present system distorts the “market value” of children and forces fertility rates down. Last describes several thoughtful ways to reform the system so that it recognizes the value of children for parents. These different schemes share the same goals: (1) “Let parents keep more of their money” now paid in taxes; and (2) “Reduce the fundamental distortion that Social Security now creates by giving everyone welfare state payouts, regardless of whether or not they bore the cost of creating the relatively few workers who now fund them. These reforms do not hand out money to parents; they simply lessen the economic disconnect created by the government in the first place.”

2.   Rethink College. Higher education is a major roadblock. It often delays marriage and results in enormous debts.  Since 1960 “the real cost of college has increased more than 1000 percent. Meanwhile the ‘value’ of a college degree has increased even in jobs where a college degree is not required and has no bearing at all on work-related knowledge. And all of this has happened as the objective quality of the average college degree has, by most standards, declined.”

Last proposes three measures to address the shortcomings of the current system:

a.  Eliminating the need for college.  In many instances, a college degree has little bearing on a person’s qualification for employment.  Employers require degrees in part because the 1971 Supreme Court decision Griggs v. Duke Power held that employers could not rely on IQ-type tests if minorities performed poorly on them, and Blacks and Hispanics show a persistent underperformance on such tests. “But colleges are allowed to use such considerations. The colleges get rich, students and their parents go into hock…If Griggs were rolled back, it would upend the college system at a stroke.”

b.   Encouraging the college system to become more responsive to market forces. One way to reduce exorbitant tuition and be more responsive to the market would be to create a no-frills, federal degree-granting body that would let students “leapfrog the four-year system” by getting certificates when they met standards for such courses as English, the sciences, mathematics etc.  After they gained sufficient certificates, students could receive a national Bachelor’s Degree Equivalency without going to college.  Government agencies would accept the Equivalency, and grad schools receiving any federal funds would be required to accept it.

c.  Government stipulation that public universities become family-friendly. One cannot, and should not, “try to force college students to marry and have children, but for some students starting a family while they’re in college is ideal.”  Last highlights Brigham Young University in Provo, UT, the “flagship school of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints.  BYU provides not only dormitory-style housing but family housing just off campus, and there is no reason why state schools should not provide such housing for the relatively few undergraduate married couples who desire such an arrangement.”

3.  Eliminate the “Dirt Gap.”  Most Americas live in large cities where real estate and associated costs are disproportionately much higher than in rural areas, and many must seek housing in the suburbs where real estate and a home are more reasonable; but commuting to jobs in the central cities is expensive and time consuming. The answer, Last argues, is not more public transportation for married couples both of whom  work and must get children to school, leave their car at the rail station, retrieve car when they return etc. Building more roads is the way to go, and Last points out that Dallas has twice as much road pavement as Los Angeles and a higher fertility rate.

An important way to overcome the Dirt Gap is telecommuting. Currently, over 40 % of American workers telecommute for a good part of their work week.  By increasing both the number or telecommuters and the number of hours they are able to telecommute, the Dirt Gap could be significantly reduced.
Conclusion
Last’s book counters forcefully the widespread secularist view that the greatest threat to the survival of Americans and, indeed, the planet, is people. Those holding this view still embrace the philosophy popularized by Paul Ehrlich’s 1968 book The Population Bomb. The idea that overpopulation is the greatest threat to the planet’s survival has led governments throughout the world to take steps to curb population growth, punishing couples who choose to have more than the replacement number of babies. Last presents compelling evidence to show that under-population is the real threat to our survival.
- See more at: http://www.culture-of-life.org/e-brief/jonathan-last%E2%80%99s-what-expect-when-no-one-expecting-america%E2%80%99s-coming-economic-disaster#sthash.oAfaN7yn.dpuf
Last’s Thesis
America’s fertility rate is falling precipitously and if nothing is done to reverse this situation the nation’s population will no longer be able to care for the swelling numbers of the elderly, or have adequate financial resources to maintain a military force capable of resisting hostile and populous nations.  This is the thesis of Jonathan Last’s recent book, What To Expect When No One is Expecting.

America’s Falling Fertility
In Last’s Introduction, he describes the situation in Old Town Alexandria, VA where he and his wife lived until they had children and moved to rural Virginia.  In 2008, a children’s clothing store closed because of sluggish sales.  By 2012, “the average family in Old Town consist[ed] of a mother, a father, and 0. 57 children,” which means that “the average Old Town married couple has a bit more than half a child!”  More broadly, “the fertility rate for white, college-educated women (we’ll use them because they serve as a fair proxy for our middle class), is only 1.6,” almost as low as the fertility rate in China and far below the replacement level of 2.1.

Accompanying the decline in fertility is the proliferation of pet shops and facilities to care for pets. In Old Town, this growth was spectacular, but it is widespread throughout the country. In Old Town, when people went on holiday, they could leave their dog at “Dog Town,” where each dog had a “separate house complete with air conditioning.”

Opponents will say there’s no need to worry about America’s population, pointing out that in 2010, 50.5 million Americans were of Hispanic descent and that the fertility rate for Hispanic women was 2.3 in 2012.  Moreover, between 2000 and 2009, the total population of the U.S. increased by 27.5 million people—more than half of which were Hispanic.  In addition, the growing population of Americans of Asian descent also had healthy fertility rates.  But Last shows that this is not likely to continue.  The fertility of Hispanic women in the U.S. quickly trends downward toward America's national average.  Furthermore, the fertility rates of the Latin American nations from which these immigrants come, though higher than rates in the U.S., are falling even more sharply.

The decline of American fertility “is the result of a complex constellation of factors, operating independently, with both foreseeable and unintended consequences.  From big things—like the decline in church attendance and the increase of women in the workplace—to little things—like a law mandating car seats in Tennessee or the reform of divorce laws in California—our modern world has evolved in such a way as to subtly discourage childbearing.”  Last also notes the impact of the birth control pill, legalized abortion and the delay in marriage and child-bearing.

How to Make Babies, Wanted and Desired
Having described the many roadblocks to having children, Last makes several proposals to remove them, including:
1.  Reform Social Security. The present system distorts the “market value” of children and forces fertility rates down. Last describes several thoughtful ways to reform the system so that it recognizes the value of children for parents. These different schemes share the same goals: (1) “Let parents keep more of their money” now paid in taxes; and (2) “Reduce the fundamental distortion that Social Security now creates by giving everyone welfare state payouts, regardless of whether or not they bore the cost of creating the relatively few workers who now fund them. These reforms do not hand out money to parents; they simply lessen the economic disconnect created by the government in the first place.”

2.   Rethink College. Higher education is a major roadblock. It often delays marriage and results in enormous debts.  Since 1960 “the real cost of college has increased more than 1000 percent. Meanwhile the ‘value’ of a college degree has increased even in jobs where a college degree is not required and has no bearing at all on work-related knowledge. And all of this has happened as the objective quality of the average college degree has, by most standards, declined.”

Last proposes three measures to address the shortcomings of the current system:

a.  Eliminating the need for college.  In many instances, a college degree has little bearing on a person’s qualification for employment.  Employers require degrees in part because the 1971 Supreme Court decision Griggs v. Duke Power held that employers could not rely on IQ-type tests if minorities performed poorly on them, and Blacks and Hispanics show a persistent underperformance on such tests. “But colleges are allowed to use such considerations. The colleges get rich, students and their parents go into hock…If Griggs were rolled back, it would upend the college system at a stroke.”

b.   Encouraging the college system to become more responsive to market forces. One way to reduce exorbitant tuition and be more responsive to the market would be to create a no-frills, federal degree-granting body that would let students “leapfrog the four-year system” by getting certificates when they met standards for such courses as English, the sciences, mathematics etc.  After they gained sufficient certificates, students could receive a national Bachelor’s Degree Equivalency without going to college.  Government agencies would accept the Equivalency, and grad schools receiving any federal funds would be required to accept it.

c.  Government stipulation that public universities become family-friendly. One cannot, and should not, “try to force college students to marry and have children, but for some students starting a family while they’re in college is ideal.”  Last highlights Brigham Young University in Provo, UT, the “flagship school of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints.  BYU provides not only dormitory-style housing but family housing just off campus, and there is no reason why state schools should not provide such housing for the relatively few undergraduate married couples who desire such an arrangement.”

3.  Eliminate the “Dirt Gap.”  Most Americas live in large cities where real estate and associated costs are disproportionately much higher than in rural areas, and many must seek housing in the suburbs where real estate and a home are more reasonable; but commuting to jobs in the central cities is expensive and time consuming. The answer, Last argues, is not more public transportation for married couples both of whom  work and must get children to school, leave their car at the rail station, retrieve car when they return etc. Building more roads is the way to go, and Last points out that Dallas has twice as much road pavement as Los Angeles and a higher fertility rate.

An important way to overcome the Dirt Gap is telecommuting. Currently, over 40 % of American workers telecommute for a good part of their work week.  By increasing both the number or telecommuters and the number of hours they are able to telecommute, the Dirt Gap could be significantly reduced.
Conclusion
Last’s book counters forcefully the widespread secularist view that the greatest threat to the survival of Americans and, indeed, the planet, is people. Those holding this view still embrace the philosophy popularized by Paul Ehrlich’s 1968 book The Population Bomb. The idea that overpopulation is the greatest threat to the planet’s survival has led governments throughout the world to take steps to curb population growth, punishing couples who choose to have more than the replacement number of babies. Last presents compelling evidence to show that under-population is the real threat to our survival.
- See more at: http://www.culture-of-life.org/e-brief/jonathan-last%E2%80%99s-what-expect-when-no-one-expecting-america%E2%80%99s-coming-economic-disaster#sthash.oAfaN7yn.dpuf


Last’s Thesis
America’s fertility rate is falling precipitously and if nothing is done to reverse this situation the nation’s population will no longer be able to care for the swelling numbers of the elderly, or have adequate financial resources to maintain a military force capable of resisting hostile and populous nations.  This is the thesis of Jonathan Last’s recent book, What To Expect When No One is Expecting.

America’s Falling Fertility
In Last’s Introduction, he describes the situation in Old Town Alexandria, VA where he and his wife lived until they had children and moved to rural Virginia.  In 2008, a children’s clothing store closed because of sluggish sales.  By 2012, “the average family in Old Town consist[ed] of a mother, a father, and 0. 57 children,” which means that “the average Old Town married couple has a bit more than half a child!”  More broadly, “the fertility rate for white, college-educated women (we’ll use them because they serve as a fair proxy for our middle class), is only 1.6,” almost as low as the fertility rate in China and far below the replacement level of 2.1.

Accompanying the decline in fertility is the proliferation of pet shops and facilities to care for pets. In Old Town, this growth was spectacular, but it is widespread throughout the country. In Old Town, when people went on holiday, they could leave their dog at “Dog Town,” where each dog had a “separate house complete with air conditioning.”

Opponents will say there’s no need to worry about America’s population, pointing out that in 2010, 50.5 million Americans were of Hispanic descent and that the fertility rate for Hispanic women was 2.3 in 2012.  Moreover, between 2000 and 2009, the total population of the U.S. increased by 27.5 million people—more than half of which were Hispanic.  In addition, the growing population of Americans of Asian descent also had healthy fertility rates.  But Last shows that this is not likely to continue.  The fertility of Hispanic women in the U.S. quickly trends downward toward America's national average.  Furthermore, the fertility rates of the Latin American nations from which these immigrants come, though higher than rates in the U.S., are falling even more sharply.

The decline of American fertility “is the result of a complex constellation of factors, operating independently, with both foreseeable and unintended consequences.  From big things—like the decline in church attendance and the increase of women in the workplace—to little things—like a law mandating car seats in Tennessee or the reform of divorce laws in California—our modern world has evolved in such a way as to subtly discourage childbearing.”  Last also notes the impact of the birth control pill, legalized abortion and the delay in marriage and child-bearing.

How to Make Babies, Wanted and Desired
Having described the many roadblocks to having children, Last makes several proposals to remove them, including:
1.  Reform Social Security. The present system distorts the “market value” of children and forces fertility rates down. Last describes several thoughtful ways to reform the system so that it recognizes the value of children for parents. These different schemes share the same goals: (1) “Let parents keep more of their money” now paid in taxes; and (2) “Reduce the fundamental distortion that Social Security now creates by giving everyone welfare state payouts, regardless of whether or not they bore the cost of creating the relatively few workers who now fund them. These reforms do not hand out money to parents; they simply lessen the economic disconnect created by the government in the first place.”

2.   Rethink College. Higher education is a major roadblock. It often delays marriage and results in enormous debts.  Since 1960 “the real cost of college has increased more than 1000 percent. Meanwhile the ‘value’ of a college degree has increased even in jobs where a college degree is not required and has no bearing at all on work-related knowledge. And all of this has happened as the objective quality of the average college degree has, by most standards, declined.”

Last proposes three measures to address the shortcomings of the current system:

a.  Eliminating the need for college.  In many instances, a college degree has little bearing on a person’s qualification for employment.  Employers require degrees in part because the 1971 Supreme Court decision Griggs v. Duke Power held that employers could not rely on IQ-type tests if minorities performed poorly on them, and Blacks and Hispanics show a persistent underperformance on such tests. “But colleges are allowed to use such considerations. The colleges get rich, students and their parents go into hock…If Griggs were rolled back, it would upend the college system at a stroke.”

b.   Encouraging the college system to become more responsive to market forces. One way to reduce exorbitant tuition and be more responsive to the market would be to create a no-frills, federal degree-granting body that would let students “leapfrog the four-year system” by getting certificates when they met standards for such courses as English, the sciences, mathematics etc.  After they gained sufficient certificates, students could receive a national Bachelor’s Degree Equivalency without going to college.  Government agencies would accept the Equivalency, and grad schools receiving any federal funds would be required to accept it.

c.  Government stipulation that public universities become family-friendly. One cannot, and should not, “try to force college students to marry and have children, but for some students starting a family while they’re in college is ideal.”  Last highlights Brigham Young University in Provo, UT, the “flagship school of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints.  BYU provides not only dormitory-style housing but family housing just off campus, and there is no reason why state schools should not provide such housing for the relatively few undergraduate married couples who desire such an arrangement.”

3.  Eliminate the “Dirt Gap.”  Most Americas live in large cities where real estate and associated costs are disproportionately much higher than in rural areas, and many must seek housing in the suburbs where real estate and a home are more reasonable; but commuting to jobs in the central cities is expensive and time consuming. The answer, Last argues, is not more public transportation for married couples both of whom  work and must get children to school, leave their car at the rail station, retrieve car when they return etc. Building more roads is the way to go, and Last points out that Dallas has twice as much road pavement as Los Angeles and a higher fertility rate.

An important way to overcome the Dirt Gap is telecommuting. Currently, over 40 % of American workers telecommute for a good part of their work week.  By increasing both the number or telecommuters and the number of hours they are able to telecommute, the Dirt Gap could be significantly reduced.

Conclusion
Last’s book counters forcefully the widespread secularist view that the greatest threat to the survival of Americans and, indeed, the planet, is people. Those holding this view still embrace the philosophy popularized by Paul Ehrlich’s 1968 book The Population Bomb. The idea that overpopulation is the greatest threat to the planet’s survival has led governments throughout the world to take steps to curb population growth, punishing couples who choose to have more than the replacement number of babies. Last presents compelling evidence to show that under-population is the real threat to our survival. 




terça-feira, 23 de julho de 2013

Sete anos - por João César das Neves

In DN 

Quem se lembra do Verão de 2006? Portugal foi quarto no campeonato do mundo de futebol; a economia crescia 1,4%, o desemprego era 7,4%. Nasciam mais pessoas do que morriam e os casamentos eram o dobro dos divórcios. Só há sete anos. Como tudo mudou tanto!

Dois factos dominaram este período. O mais visível é económico-financeiro: o país, então já atascado em dívida, caiu de bêbado em 2011 e debate-se na terrível ressaca. A coberto desta veio a segunda evolução, mais decisiva: um devastador assalto à cultura e sociedade portuguesas em nome da liberdade sexual, com extremistas capturando e distorcendo elementos centrais da alma lusitana. A bebedeira financeira cura-se em menos de sete anos, mas a investida lasciva será pavorosa por décadas.

Foi no Verão de 2006 que começou a demolição das leis básicas da identidade nacional que trouxeram Portugal de uma posição mundial equilibrada ao extremo desmiolado na regulamentação familiar. A primeira foi a Lei 32/2006 de 26 de Julho da reprodução artificial. Seguiu-se a liberalização e subsidiação do aborto (Lei 16/2007 de 17/4 e Portaria 741-A/2007 de 21/6), banalização do divórcio (Lei 61/2008 de 31/10), educação sexual laxista (Lei 60/2009 de 6/8), casamento entre pessoas do mesmo sexo (Lei 9/2010 de 31/5), mudança do sexo (Lei n.º 7/2011 de 15/3), entre outras.

Enquanto noutros países estes assuntos criavam profundos e longos debates, por cá deu-se o triunfo súbito do fundamentalismo extremista. Embrulhados em manigâncias capitalistas, os Governos precisavam de fingir progressismo na ideologia familiar. A sociedade assustada adoptou a posição cómoda e irresponsável de tolerar a libertinagem. As forças de defesa da família, em particular a Igreja Católica, suportaram derrota atrás de derrota fragorosa.

Deste modo irresponsável, o país alinhou em poucos anos as suas leis básicas por caprichos de fanáticos, ultrapassando a toda a velocidade os países civilizados, alguns dos quais já em sentido inverso. Portugal tornou-se um paraíso mundial de comportamentos desviantes e perversos. Não admira o colapso do casamento, ausência de fertilidade, envelhecimento galopante, multiplicação de patologias sociais. Em 2011 os casamentos foram só mais 34% que os divórcios e houve menos 6000 nascimentos que óbitos. A geração anterior desequilibrou as finanças em quinze anos; esta desequilibrou-se a si mesma em sete.

A História mostra duas coisas. A primeira é que movimentos súbitos, com tal rapidez e profundidade, nunca param antes do abismo. Com extremistas no controlo da dinâmica, a coisa irá até ao absurdo. Sorveremos a infâmia até à última gota.

Todos os dias aumentam aqueles que, tendo começado por defender as novidades, agora se arrependem vendo os resultados. Mas a escalada não abranda, atingindo já os temas de requinte, como a co-adopção por casais do mesmo sexo, que em fases anteriores muitos dos próprios activistas prometiam nunca acontecer. A espiral devoradora exige-o, como exigirá as vergonhas seguintes.

Provando que uma loucura nunca fica a meio, a História ensina ainda que casos destes servem de vacina para a humanidade. Quando a Rússia em 1917 aceitou que extremistas dominassem a sua economia, destruiu para sempre o atractivo intelectual do marxismo. Sem essa experiência, hoje o sistema comunista ainda seria perigoso, o PCP não estaria residual nem esconderia a ditadura do proletariado. O desprestígio das ideologias racistas deve-se também ao facto de a Alemanha ter dado em 1933 o poder a esses radicais, revelando ao mundo o seu horror. As sociedades que se deixam controlar por teses aberrantes destroem-se a si mesmas por várias gerações, mas prestam um serviço à humanidade.

Nos sete anos desde o Verão de 2006 Portugal enveredou por caminhos anarquistas nos campos financeiro e familiar. São já bem claros os efeitos dessas opções, mas ainda não se vê o fim do caminho que, pelo menos no segundo, deve demorar mais de sete anos. Resta-nos o consolo de o futuro vir a aprender com os nossos horrores.




segunda-feira, 1 de julho de 2013

Ilusão voluntária - por João César das Neves

In DN

O povo gosta que lhe mintam. Agora tem um Governo que diz a verdade e considera-o o pior de sempre, muito inferior aos anteriores, que nos convenceram de todas aquelas aldrabices que geraram a crise. Uma conclusão plausível do paradoxo é que o povo quer que o enganem.

Se este Governo diz a verdade não é por ser melhor. A situação é que é pior. Portugal bateu na parede e chegou a um estado em que as alternativas boas não existem e a conjuntura impede ilusões. Por isso, relutantemente, os ministros estão a dar más notícias, revelar o desastre, impor sacrifícios inevitáveis. Agora já não é possível aos responsáveis ocultar a realidade e vender fantasias. Mas o povo não quer isso.

Houve tempos em que o povo gostava de saber a verdade. Em 1974 e 1986 os portugueses estavam assustados. Nessa altura quem lhes descrevesse as dificuldades era eleito e conseguia fazer as reformas necessárias. Depois de 1992 vieram os anos da euforia a crédito. Hoje o povo está, não assustado, mas indignado. E quem sente revolta não quer que lhe digam a verdade, mas que o ajudem a descarregar os nervos. Por isso a mentira anda a prémio. Quem tiver a retórica mais bombástica e incendiária recebe aplausos, mesmo que diga rematada tolice; mesmo que agrave a situação já tão difícil.

António José Seguro sabe perfeitamente que a sua ideia de renegociar o programa de ajustamento é um mito impossível. Quando o PS for Governo ninguém, nem ele próprio, gastará um minuto a pensar nisso. Só o diz porque não pode assumir publicamente que não tem alternativa credível ao caminho que o País segue. De certa forma, o que afirma até é lisonjeiro para o Governo, admitindo implicitamente que nestas condições não se pode fazer melhor. Por isso invoca uma inverosímil mudança de circunstâncias.

Jerónimo de Sousa tem consciência plena de que a sua proposta de expulsar a troika e recusar a austeridade significaria uma desgraça nacional muito pior que a actual. Fazer o que o PCP e BE propõem seria balbúrdia e miséria. Portugal hoje só consegue financiar-se através dos fundos de emergência do FMI e UE, que vêm com as difíceis condições de ajustamento. Mas segui-las é a única forma de algum dia o País recuperar a credibilidade externa e regressar à normalidade. A razão por que esses partidos dizem essas coisas com tanta convicção e vigor, é porque sabem perfeitamente que elas nunca se verificarão, porque no fundo ninguém lhes liga. Sem quaisquer responsabilidades, podem esbracejar à vontade, servindo entretanto alguns interes-ses ameaçados pelos cortes.

Carlos Silva e Arménio Carlos percebem sem dificuldade que as greves são uma perda de tempo, nada alterando numa situação em que não há escolhas. Mas têm de apresentar serviço e fingir que existe outra política que evitaria os sacrifícios. Sempre com o cuidado de deixar omissos os contornos dessa solução milagrosa. Tal como os partidos da oposição, fazem dos protestos uma cortina fumo para esconder o facto de nunca terem dito, afinal, o que é que queriam que se fizesse, e como se pagava.

Mário Nogueira não tem ilusões que sem reformas e, em particular, sem cortar a sério no número e condição dos professores, o sistema de educação português fica arruinado. Mas o sistema de educação é a última das suas preocuações. O que ele quer é fazer mais barulho do que os outros sectores, de forma a que o Governo, para o calar, tire deles para minorar, ao menos em parte, os sacrifícios da sua classe. E já conseguiu.

A situação portuguesa é dura mas evidente. Temos uma das maiores dívidas externas do mundo. É claro que nunca a poderemos pagar, nem ninguém quer que o façamos. O que é preciso é estancar a sangria e pôr a casa em ordem, de forma a colocar a dívida em trajectória descendente, honrando os juros. Para isso surge a austeridade a que temos assistido. Senão é falência, descrédito, isolamento. A única alternativa é o caos, que vemos noutras longitudes. Esta é a verdade, nua e crua. E é bem dura. Assim, até nem admira que o povo goste que lhe mintam.


segunda-feira, 20 de maio de 2013

A verdadeira conspiração - por João César das Neves

In DN 

Se alguém pretender destruir a sociedade, como deve proceder? Multiplicam-se essas acusações e os réus são múltiplos, do Governo aos bancos, do euro aos corruptos. Tomemos então a sério tais denúncias. Se se quiser mesmo a aniquilação de Portugal, qual a forma mais eficiente de o conseguir?

Curiosamente as dificuldades recentes provam o oposto do que muitos alegam: o tecido social de um povo é sempre muito resistente, o que torna a sua destruição extremamente difícil. Uma crise económica, por grave que seja, nunca gera efeitos duradouros numa nação, quanto mais definitivos. Mesmo que a dose fosse muito maior, como na Grécia ou em Chipre, ao fim de uns anos tudo normaliza. Até o caso extremo da "grande depressão" dos anos 1930 não chegou para destruir os EUA, que aliás pouco depois dominavam o mundo.

Se o nosso inimigo radical passasse para métodos políticos ou militares, não teria melhor sorte. A França de 1792 ou a Alemanha de 1945 são casos extremos de pressão revolucionária ou demolição bélica. Mas nem essas gerações se perderam, quando mais a respectiva cultura e nação. A única conclusão razoável é que a sociedade é uma das realidades mais resistentes do universo. As contínuas referências a demolição nacional não passam, portanto, de exageros vácuos. Sabemos bem como as dificuldades levam muitos a carregar no acelerador retórico, disparando a grande velocidade para a asneira. Mas, apesar do que dizem, é muito difícil destruir Portugal.

Quer isto dizer que um malévolo não teria forma de conseguir os seus perversos intentos? Não. Há uma maneira, e é simples. Para matar um homem cortando-lhe os braços, é precisa uma espada; para o atingir no coração, basta uma agulha. A maneira mais eficiente de dar cabo de um povo é ferir o seu núcleo mais central. E é isso exactamente que nos está a acontecer.

Não existe nenhuma conversa sobre a família em que não se oiça que ela é a célula base da sociedade. Que poderemos então concluir da sua dramática crise contemporânea, senão que ela põe em risco a sobrevivência nacional? A única dedução possível é que está bastante adiantada uma degradação de todo o tecido cultural, de onde só recuperaremos com muita dificuldade. Um povo com dúvidas sobre o sentido de "cidadão" sofreria graves consequências. Que dizer de um que degrade o conceito de casamento?

A queda demográfica chega, só por si, para justificar enorme preocupação. Sem filhos não há futuro e a inversão da pirâmide etária cria vastas consequências. Como pretender crescimento económico numa população em regressão? Mesmo assumindo que a tacanhez actual só liga a questões económicas, fiscais e políticas, já teria aí muito com que se entreter.

A isto juntam-se as brutais consequências humanas, psicológicas, educativas, culturais e sociais que nascem de famílias em desagregação. Conflitualidade conjugal, explosão de divórcios, desequilíbrio emocional, precarização de relações, penetração do egoísmo, são sintomas evidentes e ameaçadores. O resultado é solidão, desespero ou embriaguez.

Tudo nasce de uma ideologia lasciva que impõe o postulado de que no sexo todos os prazeres são equivalentes e devem ser excitados. Esta mentira evidente e clamorosa consegue passar por razoável na propaganda libertina. O tempo que teme tabaco e obesidade promove divórcio, aborto, promiscuidade e depravação.

O que mais espanta é a apatia generalizada da população perante a podridão, enquanto se enfurece e assusta com questões económicas, secundárias e passageiras. As elites de poder, do CDS, PSD e PS, aplaudidas por PCP e BE, são parte activa do problema, não da solução. As leis recentes sobre o tema envergonhar-nos-ão durante séculos.

Portugal está doente, muito doente. Não pelo défice e dívida, nem sequer pelo desemprego e recessão. Tudo isso resolve-se em anos. A verdadeira doença que, mesmo não fatal, deixará mazelas por gerações, é a incompreensível, boçal e brutal dissolução familiar. Assim este período ficará marcado na nossa história. Se houver história.



segunda-feira, 8 de abril de 2013

O inocente - por João César das Neves

In DN

Portugal passa por um momento terrível, mas isso não o deve impedir de admirar esteticamente uma obra de arte excepcional. Ora o regresso de José Sócrates é um espantoso feito de técnica política, do mais alto nível mundial.

A personagem é notável. Verve, atitude, táctica são excelentes. Para lá das qualidades como tribuno e estratega, aquilo que o distingue dos demais e o coloca acima da sua geração é a total ausência de escrúpulos. Não existe a menor contemplação pela realidade dos factos, interesse nacional, simples decoro pessoal. Existe apenas um projecto de poder, e tudo lhe é sacrificado. Há muitas décadas que não tínhamos um político assim, e já nos esquecemos do estilo. Por isso tanto nos admira a quase inacreditável capacidade de imaginação e manipulação com que consegue sair de uma posição que seria desesperada para qualquer outro. Além disso é terrivelmente eficaz e convence mesmo. Digno de antologia!

Apresenta-se como totalmente inocente dos males que afligem o País. Foi primeiro-ministro durante mais de seis anos mas é inimputável pelo desastre que deflagrou nos últimos meses do seu mandato. A culpa vem de uma "crise das dívidas soberanas", que lhe é naturalmente alheia. E claro também de um terrível bando de malfeitores, onde se inclui o actual Governo, bancos, União Europeia e FMI, que pretendem, por razões não esclarecidas, destruir Portugal. Ele, pelo contrário, sempre esteve do lado do progresso e alegria, que infelizmente não se concretizaram.

Não é claro se mente descaradamente ou acredita mesmo na fábula, sofrendo de delírio. Em qualquer caso, todos os dados apontam para o facto de José Sócrates ser, não imoral, mas completamente amoral. Não se lhe parecem colocar quaisquer remorsos de consciência. Por isso é tão convincente. A nossa actual democracia nunca teve, em posições cimeiras, pessoas deste calibre. Assim Sócrates destaca-se flagrantemente.

É preciso dizer que ele ainda não atingiu os níveis do contemporâneo mestre absoluto da técnica, Silvio Berlusconi. Nem sequer é evidente que o português alguma vez consiga os feitos do italiano. No entanto, cabe-lhe um honroso segundo lugar. Esta atribuição não é forçada porque a relação entre ambos é evidente. Tirando eles, todos os líderes que estavam no poder quando bateu a crise, alguns deles de reconhecidas qualidades, caíram fragorosamente: Geir Haarde na Islândia, Kostas Karamanlis e George Papandreou na Grécia, José Luis Zapatero em Espanha, Brian Cowen na Irlanda, Yves Leterme na Bélgica, Nicolas Sarkozy em França, Gordon Brown no Reino Unido, George Bush nos EUA, etc. Todos forçados a sair de cena sem remissão. Deles, apenas Berlusconi e Sócrates mantêm esperanças de regresso, estando bastante avançados no processo. O estilo de ambos, apesar das diferenças, tem paralelos evidentes. Mas temos de admitir que o magnata transalpino, que saiu depois e regressou mais cedo do que o nosso engenheiro, tem evidente primazia.

Admirando o engenho e a arte, não podemos esquecer o muito que eles devem aos tempos que vivemos. É preciso recuar às primeiras décadas do século passado para encontrar casos semelhantes, porque nessa altura o mundo enfrentava dilemas e conflitos próximos dos actuais. O rancor das acusações, o ressurgimento da retórica antidemocrática, os contínuos apelos à Grande Depressão aproximam as duas épocas. Talvez tenhamos aprendido a evitar o pior dessa evolução, mas não admira o ressurjimento do mesmo tipo de animais políticos.

A única coisa que pode fazer a diferença é a capacidade dos eleitorados em resistir ao engano. O caso italiano assusta muito, porque repete traços da antiga trajectória, embora com diferenças significativas e ainda sem Mussolinis no horizonte. Portugal começou agora o seu processo. Veremos até que ponto a raiva pelos sacrifícios, junto com o ilusionismo, conseguirão fazer que o grande beneficiário da crise venha a ser aquele que indiscutivelmente foi o seu principal responsável. Isso seria uma obra de arte incomparável.


terça-feira, 26 de março de 2013

Aquecimentos globais - por João César das Neves

In DN 

O Inverno que agora acaba mostrou sintomas que os especialistas relacionam com a mudança climática. Um tornado na Póvoa, temporais mortais em S. Miguel, atraso na monção, temperaturas acima da escala no verão australiano mostram que o planeta sente um acréscimo da irregularidade meteorológica e alguns fenómenos invulgares. 

Certos acontecimentos estranhos na recente dinâmica económica são análogos à evolução atmosférica. Os sintomas são diferentes na China e EUA, Brasil ou Portugal, mas todos sentem mais irregularidade produtiva e alguns fenómenos invulgares. Podemos dizer assim que se experimenta também um "aquecimento socioeconómico" mundial. Este paralelo ajuda a compreender ambos os fenómenos.

O primeiro elemento é que factos aparentemente distantes podem ser gerados por uma causa comum. No clima a explicação é evidente, mas também na economia muitos acontecimentos, que parecem desligados, estão relacionados numa dinâmica global que preanuncia um período de mudança e conflito. O impasse orçamental americano e o impasse eleitoral italiano, a recessão europeia e o arrefecimento das economias asiáticas, o agravamento na disparidade ente ricos e pobres e as múltiplas emergências orçamentais, são resultado de um quadro comum de transformação. Nos últimos 20 anos a globalização e abertura comercial de múltiplas zonas, junto com as profundas transformações da era da informação, mudaram a estrutura produtiva criando perturbações em diversas áreas e transformando o sistema que conhecíamos.

O segundo facto é que esta mutação é inevitável. Aqui foi a economia quem melhor percebeu que pouco havia a opor à globalização. No campo climático os repetidos avisos aflitivos de ambientalistas, recomendando soluções drásticas, mostram como muitos ainda têm a ilusão de se poder voltar atrás. Apesar disso, e de esforços dispendiosos, era evidente há muito que o mundo nunca conseguiria habituar-se a viver com menores níveis de energia e emissões. Assim, em vez de evitar mudanças climáticas, a humanidade terá de aprender a suportá-las.

O terceiro aspecto é que, em ambos ao casos, a mudança não é o fim do mundo. Trata-se de transformações dolorosas, difíceis, exigentes mas, como todas as evoluções, com vantagens e inconvenientes. Se os desertos avançam em certas zonas, outras melhoram a fertilidade. Algumas ilhas e costas ficam submersas enquanto áreas geladas passam a habitáveis. O mesmo processo vê-se no campo económico. A concorrência dos mercados emergentes gera reestruturações produtivas e tensões sociais na Europa e América do Norte. Essas dificuldades vêm a par da maior redução de pobreza da história do mundo, no Extremo Oriente e África, que vivem a sua melhor época nos últimos séculos.

Nunca se deve subestimar o enorme sofrimento causado por ajustamentos desta dimensão na economia e clima. Adaptações sectoriais e empresariais, acompanhadas por falências e despedimentos, movimentos de populações, dívidas e rupturas são dramas bem reais, e por isso tanta gente ainda tenta evitar a evolução. As sociedades terão de alterar estruturas e costumes seculares, defender-se de perigos inesperados, conceber novas formas de trabalho e enfrentar climas diferentes. O facto de os dois "aquecimentos" virem em simultâneo ainda agrava mais os inconvenientes.

Seja nas formas produtivas e tecnológicas, nas culturas agrícolas ou nos hábitos de vida, vêm aí tempos novos que exigem respostas originais. Esta é uma evolução que a humanidade fez já muitas vezes ao longo da sua história, em geral em condições muito mais difíceis. Cabe à nossa geração vencer este novo desafio.

O mais importante é ser capaz de ajustar o essencial, manter o importante e adaptar o acessório. Em particular é urgente apoiar os mais afectados, defendendo e reafirmando a democracia e direitos humanos, que estão já a ser contestados por muitos no meio das pressões que se começam a sentir. As tentações de violência serão fortíssimas. Se cair nelas, o globo fica, não mais quente, mas carbonizado.