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domingo, 16 de setembro de 2012

Law at the Service of Justice and Truth - by Cardinal Raymond Burke

Adress to the Law School of Strathmore University - 27. 08. 2012

Introduction

It is a pleasure for me to speak to the Law School of Strathmore University. I express my deepest gratitude to Dr. Luis Franceschi, Dean of the Law School, for the invitation to speak to you today, and I thank all those who have made it possible for me to be with you. It is my hope that my presence will confirm, in some small way, the fundamental service of higher education which Strathmore University has been faithfully providing since its beginnings in 1961, and, in particular, the critical service of the Law School.

The topic which I wish to address pertains to the law as servant of justice and truth. It may seem a somewhat unusual topic to address at a university which specializes in the study of commerce and information technology. In fact, it is a most appropriate subject for me to discuss with you who are devoted to the study of law and with the whole student body of the University, for, no matter what may be the field of our studies and professional work, all of us are called to live in society in a right and just manner, in order that the good of all may be safeguarded and fostered.

In speaking about the law, I must first acknowledge the contemporary fragility of the rule of law, upon which any stable form of society and government depends. Such fragility seems to be owed, in good part, to a profound confusion regarding the rule of law and its foundations. For that reason, I think it important for us to reflect upon the fundamental question of the law’s service of truth and justice.[i]

Political Life, Virtue and Law

Aristotle’s reflection on the political life and his preference for the republic as a form of government help us to understand the foundational importance of the rule of law. Commenting on Aristotle’s reasons for favoring a republican form of government, combining good features of both oligarchy and democracy, Monsignor Robert Sokolowski, renowned professor of the School of Philosophy at The Catholic University of America in Washington, D.C., underlines the essential relationship between a stable political life and the respect for the norm of law. He writes:

In a republic, a large middle class – middle in both an economic and an ethical sense – is established between the rich and the poor, and the laws and not men rule, and they do so for the benefit of the whole city, not for any particular part.  To live this way is a great human accomplishment. It is a truly exalted exercise of reason for citizens to allow the laws to rule, to have the strength of reason and character to subordinate themselves to the law, which they allow to rule for the benefit of the whole. Not all people have the civic habits and public vision to let the laws and not their own partisan interests rule over the whole; not all people are immediately capable of being citizens.[ii]

The stability of any society or government depends upon the education of the people in the civic virtues which respect the rule of law for the good of all.

If democracy, for example, is “government of the people, by the people, for the people,” as Abraham Lincoln described the United States government during the time of the great struggle to eliminate the evil of slavery, it cannot be reduced to the rule of the majority.[iii] While the rule of the majority can be qualified, according to a literal understanding, as government “by the people,” it may well not be government “of the people” and “for the people.” In other words, the majority of the people may lose respect for the rule of law in its essential relationship to the common good. Then, the majority aligns itself with partisan interests and supports laws which deny the recognition of fundamental rights to a certain class of people, for example, a law denying to the members of a certain class the right to life, because they are seen to be a hindrance to the pursuit of the individual interests of those in power. Government, in that case, cannot be said to be “of the people” and “for the people.”

Pope Benedict XVI addressed the question of the foundations of law in his address to the Bundestag during his Pastoral Visit to Germany in September of 2011. Taking leave from the story of the young King Solomon on his accession to the throne, he recalled to political leaders the teaching of the Holy Scriptures regarding the work of politics. God asked King Solomon what request he wished to make as he began to rule God’s holy people. The Holy Father commented:

What will the young ruler ask for at this important moment? Success – wealth – long life – destruction of his enemies? He chooses none of these things. Instead, he asks for a listening heart so that he may govern God’s people, and discern between good and evil (cf. 1 Kg 3:9).[iv]

The story of King Solomon, as Pope Benedict XVI observed, teaches what must be the end of political activity and, therefore, of government. He declared: “Politics must be a striving for justice, and hence it has to establish the fundamental preconditions for peace…. To serve right and to fight against the dominion of wrong is and remains the fundamental task of the politician.”[v]

            Pope Benedict XVI then asked how we know the good and right which the political order and specifically the law is to safeguard and promote. While he acknowledged that in many matters “the support of the majority can serve as a sufficient criterion,”[vi] he observed that such a principle is not sufficient “for the fundamental issues of law, in which the dignity of man and of humanity is at stake.”[vii] Regarding the very foundations of the life of society, positive civil law must respect “nature and reason as the true sources of law.”[viii] In other words, one must have recourse to the natural moral law which God has inscribed in every human heart.

Referring to a text of Saint Paul’s Letter to the Romans regarding the natural moral law and its primary witness, the conscience, Pope Benedict XVI declared: “Here we see the two fundamental concepts of nature and conscience, where conscience is nothing other than Solomon’s listening heart, reason that is open to the language of being.”[ix] Further illustrating the sources of law in nature and reason by making reference to the popular interest in ecology as a means of respecting nature, he observed:

Yet I would like to underline a point that seems to me to be neglected, today as in the past: there is also an ecology of man. Man too has a nature that he must respect and that he cannot manipulate at will. Man is not merely self-creating freedom. Man does not create himself. He is intellect and will, but he is also nature, and his will is rightly ordered if he respects nature, listens to it and accepts himself for who he is, as one who did not create himself. In this way, and in no other, is true human freedom fulfilled.[x]

Reflecting upon European culture which developed “from the encounter between Jerusalem, Athens and Rome -- from Israel’s divine faith, the philosophical reason of the Greeks and Roman legal thought,”[xi] he, therefore, concluded: “In the awareness of man’s responsibility before God and in the acknowledgment of the inviolable dignity of every single human person, it [European culture] has established criteria of law: it is these criteria that we are called to defend at this moment in our history.”[xii] While Pope Benedict XVI’s reflection is inspired by a concern for the state of law in the European culture, his conclusions regarding the foundations of law and, therefore, of order in society are clearly universal in application.

Order in Society and the Common Good

If any form of government is to serve a community or nation, society must recognize a certain order which permits the individual to pursue his own good, while, at the same time, respecting the good of others who form a community with him. The good is defined by the order found in the nature of persons and things, by which the same persons and things are directed to objective ends. In truth, the individual must understand that his own good cannot be served, while the good of others and the order of creation are violated. The individual cannot achieve his proper end and, therefore, happiness, apart from the respect of the proper end and ultimate happiness of his neighbor, and the proper end of the things with which he interacts.  Government is, otherwise, reduced to the tyranny of whatever group is able to prevail by winning the support of a majority.

Without the recognition of the common good, to which the individual good is essentially related and which it serves, society breaks down and a government is soon beset by the violence and destruction which is the inevitable fruit of unbridled individualism and self-pursuit. The Second Vatican Ecumenical Council described the common good precisely in the context of the formation of a political community:

Individuals, families, and the various groups which make up the civil community, are aware of their inability to achieve a truly human life by their own unaided efforts; they see the need of a wider community in which each one will make a specific contribution to an even broader implementation of the common good. For this reason, they set up various forms of political communities. The political community, then, exists for the common good: this is its full justification and meaning and the source of its specific and basic right to exist. The common good embraces the sum total of all those conditions of social life which enable individuals, families, and organizations to achieve complete and efficacious fulfillment.[xiii]

The English word, fulfillment, translates the original Latin word, perfectio. Fulfillment does not signify some self-defined condition but rather the perfection of the individual or group, according to man’s proper nature and end.

The laws of a democratic nation, therefore, are to be ordered to the common good, which, one hopes, will coincide with the will of the majority, but which will, in any case, not only be laws “by the people” but also laws “of the people” and “for the people.” The Second Vatican Ecumenical Council also taught the necessary relationship of the legal and juridical order of a society with the common good and, therefore, the moral order. It declared:

It follows that political authority, either within the political community as such or through organizations representing the state, must be exercised within the limits of the moral order and directed toward the common good (understood in the dynamic sense of the term) according to the juridical order legitimately established or due to be established. Citizens, then, are bound in conscience to obey. Accordingly, the responsibility, the dignity, and the importance of those who govern is clear.[xiv]

The objectivity of the common good, as it is discovered by right reason in the natural order, determines the good order of a nation. Laws which safeguard the common good rest on the reality of the nature and end of the persons and of the things whom or which they govern. It is essential that citizens be educated to understand the relationship between the political order and the common good, in order that they obey the laws. It is essential that lawmakers and servants of justice understand the meaning of law for the citizens as individuals and as a community.

            In his Encyclical Letter Caritas in Veritate, Pope Benedict XVI takes up the question of the common good which, in his words, “is sought not for its own sake, but for the people who belong to the social community and who can only really and effectively pursue their good within it.”[xv] Dedication to the common good, as Pope Benedict XVI makes clear, is an obligation imposed by both justice and charity. He concludes: “The more we strive to secure a common good corresponding to the real needs of our neighbours, the more effectively we love them.”[xvi]

Law and Metaphysics

The realism of laws, their foundation upon the objective nature and end of things, has been, for some time, severely questioned or rejected by a positivist and utilitarian philosophy. Pope Benedict XVI succinctly describes the situation in his speech to the Bundestag in September of 2011. Speaking about the contemporary banning of the discussion of the natural moral law in public discourse, he declared:

Fundamentally it is because of the idea that an unbridgeable gulf exists between “is” and “ought”. An “ought” can never follow from an “is”, because the two are situated on completely different planes. The reason for this is that in the meantime, the positivist understanding of nature has come to be almost universally accepted…. A positivist conception of nature as purely functional, as the natural sciences consider it to be, is incapable of producing any bridge to ethics and law, but once again yields only functional answers.[xvii]

Clearly, the positivist view divorces the law from its metaphysical foundations.

Such a view also clearly excludes from reason anything which is not demonstrable according to the positivist criteria. Pope Benedict XVI, therefore concluded:

Anything that is not verifiable or falsifiable, according to this understanding, does not belong to realm of reason strictly understood. Hence ethics and religion must be assigned to the subjective field, and they remain extraneous to the realm of reason in the strict sense of the word. Where positivist reason dominates the field to the exclusion of all else – and that is broadly the case in our public mindset – then the classical sources of knowledge for ethics and law are excluded.[xviii]

Father Edward J. Richard, Missionary of La Salette and distinguished moral theologian, in his article published in two parts, “Law and Morality: Taking a Theoretical Break from the Norm,” describes the philosophical underpinnings of the theory of legal positivism, sometimes also called legal realism.[xix] At the same time, he examines a parallel development among certain Catholic moral theologians who follow a moral theory which is called consequentialism or proportionalism.

The moral theory in question judges the goodness of an act, according to an intended good consequence, even if the means of achieving the intended good is evil in itself. Both the legal theory and the moral theory are rooted in an instrumentalist view of the world. Richard comments:

With norms as means to ends, the legal or moral outcome can never be indicated by the norm itself. In other words, acting contrary to a norm is not in itself to be considered morally or legally wrong. In both the legal theory and the moral theory presented, the rule or norm is considered a guide. One must consider the relevant circumstances, including the purposes and ends of the rules and the actions in question, before the moral or legal determination is reached. Competing values or interests at the root of the formulation of the rule may, in a given case, give rise to a conflict. Only when this conflict is resolved in light of the relevant circumstances and possible outcomes is the legality or morality of the act decided.[xx]

The parallel development among some Catholic moral theologians has added to the confusion regarding the nature of the law and its service of the common good. Moral theory, distorted and betrayed by the consequentialist or proportionalist thesis, is not in a position to carry out its native service of pointing to the truth about the law and, in fact, participates in the deadly confusion of legal positivism.

            Pope Benedict XVI made reference to the grievous damage done by such thinking in his Christmas Address to the Roman Curia in 2010. Making reference to the grave evils of our times, for example, paedophilia, child pornography, and the abuse of drugs, he commented:

No pleasure is ever enough, and the excess of deceiving intoxication becomes a violence that tears whole regions apart – and all this in the name of a fatal misunderstanding of freedom which actually undermines man’s freedom and ultimately destroys it.[xxi]

He observed that, in order to overcome such evils, their “ideological foundations,” “a fundamental perversion of the concept of ethos,” must be uncovered.[xxii]

            He then provided a description of the ideological foundations of the moral evils of our time with these words:
It was maintained – even within the realm of Catholic theology – that there is no such thing as evil in itself or good in itself. There is only a “better than” and a “worse than”. Nothing is good or bad in itself. Everything depends on the circumstances and on the end in view. Anything can be good or also bad, depending upon purposes and circumstances. Morality is replaced by a calculus of consequences, and in the process it ceases to exist.[xxiii]

Such thinking is clearly contrary to the moral thinking of the Church which holds that certain actions are good in themselves, intrinsically good, and certain actions are evil in themselves, intrinsically evil.[xxiv] The disastrous effect of such profoundly erroneous thinking upon the concept of law is evident.

Blessed Pope John Paul II, in his Encyclical Letter Veritatis splendor, refuting the serious errors of consequentialism or proportionalism, noted the importance of sound moral teaching for the political order. He recalled the reason for the Church’s insistence upon the objective moral order, when he wrote:

The Church’s firmness in defending the universal and unchanging moral norms is not demeaning at all. Its only purpose is to serve man’s true freedom. Because there can be no freedom apart from or in opposition to the truth, the categorical – unyielding and uncompromising – defense of the absolutely essential demands of man’s personal dignity must be considered the way and the condition for the very existence of freedom.[xxv]

The recognition of an objective moral order in law is, therefore, necessary, if freedom is to be served. The Church’s clarity in teaching the moral truth and in refuting moral error is critical to the sound political order. The Church’s moral teaching forms the character of the citizens who are her faithful and also of other men of good will who recognize the truth of her teaching, in accord with the common good. On the other hand, moralists whose theories do not correctly account for universal and unchanging moral norms undermine human freedom in the political order.

Pope John Paul II went on to reflect upon the danger of “a totalitarian conception of the world” which democracies in the West have deplored in governments of Marxist inspiration, while at the same time they deny “the fundamental rights of the human person” and absorb “the religious yearnings which arise in the heart of every human being” into politics.[xxvi] He observed:

This is the risk of an alliance between democracy and ethical relativism, which would remove any sure moral reference from political and social life, and, on a deeper level, make the acknowledgment of truth impossible.[xxvii]

Pope John Paul II then quoted a telling declaration from his Encyclical Letter Centesimus annus: “As history demonstrates, a democracy without principles easily turns into open or thinly disguised totalitarianism.”[xxviii]

The wisdom of Blessed Pope John Paul II’s caution is sadly verified, for example, in the legal system of the United States which, uncritically accepting the positivist legal doctrine, has placed the foundation of the laws upon the shifting sands of relativism. One example of its application will show that it is not simply a question of theoretical considerations. In a decision of the United States Supreme Court, in Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey, given on June 29, 1992, the majority opinion declared:

At the heart of liberty is the right to define one’s own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life.[xxix]

Such language uncovers an understanding of the law which is totally divorced from any objective reality, any metaphysical principle. According to the decision, the law and its application must respect the individual’s “concept” of the world and of human life. The language of the decision condones a form of individualism and of pursuit of self-interest which is truly totalitarian. Pope John Paul II’s clarification of the moral truth to be taught in the Church and his correction of consequentialism and proportionalism are most timely also for the world of politics.

I note that the term, values, which is commonly used today in the discussion of the relationship between morality and law, can be problematic, for it comes from the economic world and the relative assessment of the worth of things. I prefer the word, goods or virtues. In other words, values can change, according to human assessment, while goods or virtues, inherent in the God-given nature and end of persons and things, endure.

Law in Relationship to Truth and Justice

What makes law true and just, that is, in conformity with the God-given nature of persons and things, and their proper ends? The perennial answer to this critical question is the natural moral law. The natural law establishes the first and evident principles which guarantee the realism and, therefore, the justice of laws.

Law is more than the command of the sovereign or the will of the majority. It has its foundation in the unchanging truth about ourselves and our world, which is safeguarded by the natural moral law written by God upon every human heart. The natural moral law alone gives positive law the deep and stable foundation which it requires and which can truly bind individuals and communities.

Wolfgang Waldstein has shown that knowledge of the law of nature or the natural law as the foundation of the legal order is evident in the earliest known legal documents. He concludes: “As far back as we have sources concerning legal problems we find the clear awareness of the fact that man finds himself in a legal order not produced by man himself, but being part of the creation of the world.”[xxx] Waldstein, citing the ancient sources, for example, Cicero, refutes the false claim that the concept of the natural law rests upon the so-called “naturalistic fallacy,” showing that the claim “departs from the positivistic presupposition that nature is only material reality.”[xxxi] Reflecting on the results of the false claim, advanced not only by legal theorists but also by certain moral theologians, Waldstein quotes a passage from Pope John Paul II’s Encyclical Letter Evangelium vitae, which pertains especially to the service of truth and justice at the heart of law:

If, as a result of the tragic obscuring of the collective conscience, an attitude of skepticism were to succeed in bringing into question even the fundamental principles of the moral law, the democratic system itself would be shaken in its foundations, and would be reduced to a mere mechanism for regulating different and opposing interests on a purely empirical basis.[xxxii]

Natural law expresses the metaphysical order which can be, has been and is known by the use of human reason.

The natural law expresses the end to which our practical action must tend, if it is to be true and free. Saint Thomas Aquinas declared:

Hence this is the first precept of law, that good is to be done and pursued, and evil is to be avoided.[xxxiii]

The good for man is that which most perfectly corresponds to his nature and finality. Saint Thomas Aquinas immediately derives other precepts from the first precept of the natural law.  The first of these is “whatever is a means of preserving human life, and of warding off its obstacles, belongs to the natural law.”[xxxiv]

The natural law presupposes that our consideration of particular practical actions or laws, for example, is based on the proper ends of persons and things, and not on my individual purposes. It presupposes that man, through the use of reason, can know the proper ends of persons and things, and respect them in the political order. Saint Thomas Aquinas described the relationship of reason and the natural law:

[T]he precepts of the natural law are to the practical reason, what the first principles of demonstrations are to the speculative reason; because both are self-evident principles.[xxxv]

Natural law, therefore, establishes positive law upon metaphysical principles of the good and freedom of man, and safeguards it against the tyranny of self-interest and of individual purposes.

Monsignor Robert Sokolowski addresses the relationship of the natural law to the Church’s teaching of it. Often, natural law doctrine is rejected in Europe and the United States of America as the attempt of a religious confession to impose its confessional beliefs on the general population. Sokolowski reminds us that the teaching of the natural law in the Sacred Scriptures does not destroy its “natural visibility” to human reason.[xxxvi] In other words, the Church did not invent the notion of the natural law. He insightfully cautions us against the pitfall of seeing the natural law proclaimed in the Sacred Scriptures as an expression of God’s purposes, rather than an expression of the order which He has written in nature and inscribed in the “hearts of men,” as Saint Thomas Aquinas teaches us.[xxxvii]

The inscription of the natural law in the heart of man means that man, by the use of reason, is meant to know the true ends of things and to act accordingly.  It is not a question of divine voluntarism. Sokolowski observes:

I would suggest that when Aquinas says that the natural law is written in the hearts of men, he is referring to the capacity for truth that we have been describing when we said that the natural ends of things must be distinguished from our own purposes and from convention. This elementary differentiation, this recognition that my purposes are not all there is, and that the way we do things is not all there is, is a way of being truthful that is achieved by the heart, which if it is sound can cut through the impediments of being impulsive, obtuse, immature, and vicious.[xxxviii]

The understanding of man’s capacity for truth must be the inspiration of the moral and civic education of children and young people who, as a result of the education, will be freed from the slavery of their individual purposes to serve their proper good and end, and the proper good and end of their fellow citizens and of the created order.

Conclusion

On March 30, 2006, Pope Benedict XVI spoke to the members of the European Popular Party, addressing the role of the Church in the political order. He brought to mind the irreplaceable contribution of the Church to democracy in Europe, both historically and at present, through the formation of citizens in the Christian virtues. He cautioned that the elimination of Christians, as Christians, from the political order would result in the loss of the strength which the Christian faith and its practice bring to any nation or political body. He described the perennial service of the Church and of her teaching to the civic community. He stated:

It must not be forgotten that, when Churches or ecclesial communities intervene in public debate, expressing reservations or recalling various principles, this does not constitute a form of intolerance or an interference, since such interventions are aimed solely at enlightening consciences, enabling them to act freely and responsibly, according to the true demands of justice, even when this should conflict with situations of power and personal interest.[xxxix]

He had already presented the same teaching, in a more solemn manner, in his Encyclical Letter Deus caritas est, in which he discussed the relationship of justice, politics and ethics.

Regarding the Church’s involvement in the political order, he declared in Deus caritas est:

Faith enables reason to do its work more effectively and to see its proper object more clearly. This is where Catholic social teaching has its place: it has no intention of giving the Church power over the State. Even less is it an attempt to impose on those who do not share the faith ways of thinking and modes of conduct proper to faith. Its aim is simply to help purify reason and to contribute, here and now, to the acknowledgment and attainment of what is just.[xl]

Pope Benedict XVI makes it clear that the Church’s social teaching “argues on the basis of reason and natural law, namely, on the basis of what is in accord with the nature of every human being.”[xli]

Pope Benedict XVI makes it clear that the principles which he has enunciated “are not truths of faith, even though they receive further light and confirmation from faith; they are inscribed in human nature itself and therefore they are common to all humanity.”[xlii] The Christian faith does not contradict human reason but gives it inspiration and strength in considering what is right and just, above all, in the political order. Robert Sokolowski observes: “What seemed noble and decent in the natural order remains so, and it is confirmed in its goodness by being involved in this new context of grace.”[xliii]

There can be no question that the laws which govern a nation must be founded upon right reason, distinguishing ends from purposes, and respecting fully the natural law which God has written upon every human heart. In the present situation, the Church’s service of the world demands of her, above all, a witness to the foundation of the political order upon the unchanging precepts of the natural moral law, which God has taught and teaches to all men and women of every place and time. In such a political order, law will indeed serve all that is true and just.

Raymond Leo Cardinal BURKE

***

NOTES

[i] Regarding the entire question of the fragility of the rule of law and the metaphysical foundation of law, I draw heavily upon an earlier presentation given on July 10, 2006, at the 9th Deutsch-Amerikanisches Kolloquium, held at Wildbad Kreuth in Germany and published under the title, “The Natural Moral Law: Foundation of Legal Realism,” in Die fragile Demokratie – The Fragility of Democracy, ed. Anton Rauscher, Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2007, pp. 29-45.

[ii] Robert Sokolowski, “The Human Person and Political Life,” in Christian Faith and Human Understanding: Studies on the Eucharist, Trinity, and the Human Person, Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2006, pp. 184-185.
[iii] Abraham Lincoln, “Address at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania,” 19 November 1863, in Abraham Lincoln: Speeches and Writings 1859-1865, New York: The Library of America, 1989, p. 536.

[iv] “Was wird sich der junge Herrscher in diesem Augenblick erbitten? Erfolg – Reichtum – langes Leben – Vernictung der Feinde? Nicht um diese Dinge bitter er. Er bittet: „Verleih deinem Knecht ein hörendes Herz, damit er dein Volk zu regieren und das Gute vom Bösen zu unterscheiden versteht“ (1 Kön 3,9).” Benedictus PP. XVI, Allocutio “Iter apostolicum in Germaniam: ad Berolinensem foederatum coetum oratorum,” 22 Septembris 2011, Acta Apostolicae Sedis 103 (2011), p. 663. English translation: L’Osservatore Romano Weekly Edition in English, 28 September 2011, p. 6. 

[v] “Politik muss Mühen um Gerechtigkeit sein und so die Grundvoraussetzung für Frieden schaffen… Dem Recht zu dienen und der Herrschaft des Unrechts zu wehren ist und bleibt die grundlegend Aufgabe des Politikers.” Ibid., p. 664. English translation: Ibid., p. 6.
[vi] “kann die Mehrheit ein genügendes Kriterium sein.” Ibid., p. 664. English translation : Ibid., p. 6.

[vii] “in den Grundfragen des Rechts, in denen es um die Würde des Menschen und der Menschheit geht.” Ibid., p. 664. English translation: Ibid., p. 6.

[viii] “Natur und Vernunft als die wahren Rechtsquellen.” Ibid., p. 665. English translation: Ibid., p. 6.

[ix] “Hier erscheinen die beide Grundbegriffe Natur und Gewissen, wobei Gewissen nichts anderes ist als das hörende Herz Salomons, als die der Sprache des Seins geöffnete Vernunft.” Ibid., p. 666. English translation: Ibid., p. 6.

[x] “Ich möchte aber nachdrücklich einen Punkt ansprechen, der nach wie vor – wie mir scheint – ausgeklammert wird: es gibt auch eine Ökologie des Menschen. Auch der Mensch hat eine Natur, die er achten muß und die er nicht beliebig manipulieren kann. Der Mensch is nicht nur sich selbst machende Freiheit. Der Mensch macht sich nicht selbst. Er ist Geist und Wille, aber er ist auch Natur, und sein Wille ist dann recht, wenn er auf die Natur achtet, sie hört und such annimmt also der, der er ist und der sich nicht selbst gemacht hat. Gerade so und nur so vollzieht sich wahre menschliche Freiheit.” Ibid., p. 668. English translation: Ibid., p. 7.

[xi] “aus der Begegnung von Jerusalem, Athen und Rom – aus der Begegnung zwischen dem Gottesglauben Israels, der philosophischen Vernunft der Griechen und dem Rechtsdenken Roms.” Ibid., p. 669. English translation: Ibid., p. 7 (corrected by the author).

[xii] “Sie hat im Bewußtsein der Verantwortung des Menschen vor Gott und in der Anerkenntnis der anantastbaren Würde des Menschen, eines jeden Menschen, Maßstäbe des Rechts gesetzt, die zu verteidigen uns in unserer historischen Stunde aufgegeben ist.” Ibid., p. 669. English translation: Ibid., p. 7.

[xiii] “Homines, familiae et varii coetus, qui communitatem civilem constituunt, propriae insufficientiae ad vitam plene humanam instituendam conscii sunt et necessitatem amplioris communitatis percipiunt, in qua omnes, ad commune bonum semper melius procurandum, cotidie proprias vires conferant. Quapropter communitatem politicam secundum varias formas constituunt. Communitas ergo politica propter illud commune bonum exsistit, in quo suam plenam iustificationem et sensum obtinet, et ex quo ius suum primigenum et proprium depromit. Bonum vero commune summam complectitur earum vitae socialis condicionum, quibus homines, familiae et consociationes, suam ipsorum perfectionem plenius atque expeditius consequi possint.” Concilium Oecumenicum Vaticanum II, Constitutio Pastoralis Gaudium et spes, “De Ecclesia in mundo huius temporis,” 7 Decembris 1965, Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 58 (1966), 1095-1096, n. 74. English translation: Vatican Council II: The Conciliar and Post Conciliar Documents, ed. Austin Flannery, O.P., Collegeville, Minnesota: Liturgical Press, 1975, pp. 980-981, no. 74.

[xiv] “Sequitur item auctoritatis politicae exercitium sive in communitate ut tali, sive in institutis rem publicam repraesentantibus, semper intra fines ordinis moralis ad effectum deducendum esse, ad commune bonum – et quidem dynamice conceptum – procurandum, secundum ordinem iuridicum legitime statutum vel statuendum.  Tunc cives ad obedientiam praestandam ex conscientia obligantur.  Exinde vero patet responsibilitas, dignitas et momentum eorum, qui praesunt.” Ibid, p. 1096, n. 74.  English translation: Ibid., p. 981, no. 74.

[xv] “per se ipsum conquisitum, sed personarum gratia, quae communitatem socialem participant atque in ea tantum reapse et efficaciter bonum suum consequi possunt.” Benedictus PP. XVI, Litterae encyclicae Caritas in veritate, “De humana integra progressione in caritate veritateque,” 29 Iunii 2009, Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 101 (2009), p. 645, n. 7. English translation: Città del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2009, p. 9, no. 7.

[xvi] “Eo efficacius proximus amatur, quo magis bonum commune colitur, quod veris necessitatibus occurrat.” Ibid., p. 645, n. 7. English translation: Ibid., p. 10, no. 7.

[xvii] “Grundlegend is zunächst die These, dass zwischen Sein und Sollen ein unüberbrückbarer Grabe ist. Aus Sein könne kein Sollen folgen, weil es sich da um zwei völlig verschiedene Bereiche handle. Der grund dafür ist das inzwischen fast allegemein angenommene positivistische Verständnis von Natur.... Ein positivischer Naturbegriff, der nie Natur rein funktional versteht, so wie die Naturwissenschaft sie erkennt, kann kein Brücke zu Ethos und Recht herstellen, sondern widerum nur funktionale Antworten hervorrufen.” Benedictus PP. XVI, Allocutio “Iter apostolicum in Germaniam: ad Berolinensem foederatum coetum oratorum,” 22 Septembris 2011, Acta Apostolicae Sedis 103 (2011), p. 666. English translation: L’Osservatore Romano Weekly Edition in English, 28 September 2011, p. 7.

[xviii] “Was nicht verifizierbar oder falsifizierbar ist, gehört danach nicht in den Bereich der Vernunft im strengen Sinn. Deshalb müssen Ethos und Religion dem Raum des Subjektiven zugewiesen werden und fallen aus dem Bereich der Vernunft im strengen Sinn des Wortes heraus. Wo die alleinige Herrschaft der positivistischen Vernunft gilt – und das ist in unserem öffenlichen Bewußtsein weithin der Fall -- , da sind die klassischen Erkenntnisquellen für Ethos und Recht außer Kraft gesetzt.“ Ibid., p. 667. English translation: Ibid., p. 7.

[xix] Edward J. Richard, M.S., “Law and Morality: Taking a Theoretical Break from the Norm,” Studia Moralia, 35 (1997), 427-443; and 36 (1998), 239-265.

[xx] Edward J. Richard, M.S., “Law and Morality: Taking a Theoretical Break from the Norm,” Studia Moralia, 36 (1998), 255.

[xxi] “Ogni piacere diventa insufficiente e l’eccesso nell’inganno dell’ebbrezza diventa una violenza che dilania intere regioni, e questo in nome di un fatale fraintendimento della libertà, in cui proprio la libertà dell’uomo viene minata e alla fine annullata del tutto.” Benedictus PP. XVI, Allocutio “Ad Curiam Romanam: Omina Nativitatis,” 20 Decembris 2010, p. 36. English translation: L’Osservatore Romano Weekly Edition in English, 22-29 December 2010, p. 13.

[xxii] “fondamenti ideologici.” “una perversione di fondo del concetto di ethos.” Ibid., p. 36. English translation: Ibid., p. 13.

[xxiii] “Si asseriva – persino nell’ambito della teologia cattolica – che non esisterebbero né il male in sé, né il bene in sé. Esisterebbe soltanto un «meglio di» e un «peggio di». Niente sarebbe in se stesso bene o male. Tutto dipenderebbe dalle circostanze e dal fine inteso. A seconda degli scopi e delle circostanze, tutto potrebbe essere bene o anche male. La morale viene sostituita da un calcolo delle conseguenze e con ciò cessa di esistere.” Ibid., p. 37. English translation: Ibid., p. 13.

[xxiv] Cf. Catechismus Catholicae Ecclesiae, Città del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1997, nn. 1753 et 1756. English translation: Catechism of the Catholic Church, 2nd ed., Città del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1997, nos. 1753 and 1756.

[xxv] “Ecclesiae firmitudo in moralibus normis universalibus immutabilibusque tuendis nihil habet contumeliosi; verae hominis libertati solummodo inservit: quandoquidem praeter vel contra veritatem nulla libertas habetur, absoluta defensio, nimirum laxamentis et accomodationibus amotis, earum rerum, quas omnino necessarioque hominis personalis dignitas postulat, via est dicenda et condicio ipsius exsistentiae libertatis.” Ioannes Paulus PP. II, Litterae encyclicae Veritatis splendor, “De quibusdam quaestionibus fundamentalibus doctrinae moralis Ecclesiae,” 6 Augusti 1993, Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 85 (1993), 1209, n. 96. English translation: Vatican City State: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, p. 145, no. 96.

[xxvi] “totalitaria mundi visione... ob repudiationem fundamentalium iurium personae humanae... religiosae postulationis quae exsistit in corde cuiusvis hominis....” Ibid., 1212, n. 101. English translation: Ibid., p. 151, no. 101.

[xxvii] “est discrimen foederis inter democratiam et ethicum relativismum, qui convictum civilem privat quavis tuta morali ratione eum efficiendo omnino veritatis agnitione nudatum.” Ibid., 1212, n. 101. English translation: Ibid., pp. 151-152, no. 101.

[xxviii] “Populare tandem regimen principiis carens, in totalitarismum manifestum occultumve prompte vertitur, ut hominum annales commonstrant.” Ioannes Paulus PP. II, Litterae encyclicae Centesimus annus, “Saeculo ipso Encyclicis ab editis litteris «Rerum novarum» transacto,” 1 Maii 1991, Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 83 (1991), 850, n. 46. English translation: Vatican City State: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, p. 89, no. 46 (corrected by the author).

[xxix] Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833, 852 (1992).

[xxx] Wolfgang Waldstein, “Natural law and the defence of life in Evangelium Vitae,” in Evangelium Vitae: Five Years of Confrontation with the Society (Proceedings of the Sixth Assembly of the Pontifical Academy for Life, Vatican City, 11-14 February 2000), ed. Juan de Dios Vial Correa and Elio Sgreccia, Vatican City State: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2001, p. 225. Cf. Wolfgang Waldstein, “The capacity of the human mind to know natural law,” in The Nature and Dignity of the Human Person as the Foundation of the Right To Life: The Challenges of the Contemporary Cultural Context (Proceedings of the Eighth Assembly of the Pontifical Academy for Life, Vatican City, 25-27 February 2002), ed. Juan de Dios Vial Correa and Elio Sgreccia, Vatican City State: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2003, pp. 58-63; and Wolfgang Waldstein, Ins Herz geschrieben: Das Naturrecht als Fundament einer menschlichen Gesellschaft, Augsburg: Sankt Ulrich Verlag, 2010.

[xxxi] Wolfgang Waldstein, “The responsibility of the law towards the applications of biotechnologies of man,” in Human Genome, Human Person and the Society of the Future (Proceedings of the Fourth Assembly of the Pontifical Academy for Life, Vatican City, 23-25 February 1998), ed. Juan de Dios Vial Correa and Elio Sgreccia, Vatican City State: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1999, p. 399.

[xxxii] “Si autem, ob omnium conscientiae miserrimam obtenebrationem, sceptica ratio in dubium prima principia quoque moralis legis devocat, ipsa democratica institutio funditus evertitur atque ad meracam machinationem redigitur, quae re diversa dissonaque commoda moderatur.” Ioannes Paulus PP. II, Litterae encyclicae Evangelium vitae, “De vitae humanae inviolabili bono,” 25 Martii 1995, Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 87 (1995), 482, n. 70. English translation: Vatican City State: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, p. 128, no. 70. It is interesting to note that the translation of the title in English is “On the Value and Inviolability of Human Life,” while a more accurate translation of the Latin title would be: “On the Inviolable Good of Human Life.”

[xxxiii] “Hoc est ergo primum praeceptum legis, quod bonum est faciendum et prosequendum, et malum vitandum.” Summa theologiae, I-IIae, q. 94, art. 2. English translation: St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, Complete English Edition, tr. Fathers of the English Dominican Province, Westminster, Maryland: Christian Classics, 1981, Vol. 2, p. 1009.

[xxxiv] “pertinet ad legem naturalem ea per quæ vita hominis conservatur, et contrarium impeditur.” Summa theologiae, I-IIae, q. 94, art. 2. English translation: Ibid., p. 1009.

[xxxv] “præcepta legis naturæ hoc modo se habent ad rationem practicam, sicut principia prima demonstrationum se habent ad rationem speculativam: utraque enim sunt quædam principia per se nota.” Summa theologiae, I-IIae, q. 94, art. 2. English translation: Ibid., p. 1009.

[xxxvi] Robert Sokolowski, “What Is Natural Law?: Human Purposes and Natural Ends,” in Christian Faith and Human Understanding: Studies on the Eucharist, Trinity, and the Human Person, Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2006, p. 229. Cf. Wolfgang Waldstein, “The capacity of the human mind to know natural law,” p. 65.

[xxxvii] “Sed lex scripta in cordibus hominum est lex naturalis.” Summa theologiae, I-IIae, q. 94, art. 6. English translation: Ibid., p. 1012.

[xxxviii] Sokolowski, “What Is Natural Law?: Human Purposes and Ends,” pp. 230-231.

[xxxix] Benedictus PP. XVI, Allocutio “Ad Congressum a «Populari Europae Factione» provectum,” 30 Martii 2006, Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 98 (2006), 344. The allocution was delivered in English.

[xl] “Fides rationi tribuit quo melius compleat munus suum meliusque hoc quod proprium est sibi intueatur.  Hic reponitur catholica doctrina socialis: quae non vult Ecclesiae potestatem inferre in Civitatem. Neque iis qui fidem non participant imponere cupit prospectus et se gerendi modos huius proprios. Simpliciter prodesse cupit ad rationem purificandam suumque adiumentum afferre ita ut quod iustum habetur, hic et nunc agnosci ac postea ad rem perduci possit.” Benedictus PP. XVI, Litterae encyclicae Deus caritas est, “De christiano amore,” 25 Decembris 2005, Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 98 (2006), 239, n. 28. English translation: Vatican City State: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, p. 46, no. 28.

[xli] “argumentatur initium sumens a ratione et a naturali iure, id est ab eo quod congruit naturae cuiusque personae humanae.” Ibid., 239, n. 28. English translation: Ibid., p. 46, no. 28.

[xlii] Pope Benedict XVI, Allocutio “Ad Congressum a «Populari Europae Factione» provectum,” 30 Martii 2006, Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 98 (2006), 345.

[xliii] Sokolowski, “What Is Natural Law?: Human Purposes and Natural Ends,” p. 233.

segunda-feira, 8 de agosto de 2011

Perché Benedetto XVI insiste tanto sui cosiddetti principi non negoziabili?


by Arcivescovo Giampaolo Crepaldi

In La Bussola Quotidiana

Perché Benedetto XVI insiste tanto sui cosiddetti principi non negoziabili? E la Chiesa italiana sta facendo quanto è possibile su questo fronte? Mi sembra importante spingere per la riflessione e il confronto su questo grande tema. Sono convinto che da esso dipenda sia una corretta visione della Chiesa sia una giusta visione dei rapporti della Chiesa con il mondo. Se invece l’argomento viene eluso, ossequiato formalmente ma non attraversato in pieno, non si guadagnerà granché in chiarezza, né il popolo cristiano troverà un proprio percorso comune nella società di oggi.

I principi non negoziabili sono stati enunciati in più occasioni da Benedetto XVI. Sia l’espressione sia l’elenco erano però già presenti nella Nota dottrinale su alcune questioni riguardanti l’impegno sociale e politico dei cattolici che la Congregazione per la Dottrina della Fede pubblicò nel 2002, a firma dell’allora Prefetto Cardinale Joseph Ratzinger. Pur trattandosi di un elenco di tematiche – la vita, la famiglia, la libertà di educazione soprattutto – essi non vanno intesi solo come degli argomenti di una agenda politica, ma come un orizzonte strategico dentro cui muoversi affinché la disgregazione della modernità venga frenata e con essa la riduzione della fede cristiana ad “utile cagnolino da salotto” o a “hobby personale”.

Essi non vanno intesi nemmeno come l’ultima resistenza del cattolicesimo, la ridotta in cui ci si è asserragliati e in cui si combatte la battaglia decisiva contro il relativismo. I principi non negoziabili sono invece l’indicazione della speranza che nasce dalla verità. Verità che la Chiesa enuncia, basandosi sulla rivelazione e sul deposito che essa conserva e tramanda con cui ridestare anche le verità della ragione, quando questa risulti sopita o addirittura avvilita. L’enunciazione dei principi non negoziabili, assieme al dovere assoluto di rispettarli, è un annuncio, una luce della fede e della ragione. Essi sono importanti e “strategici”, prima di tutto, proprio perché salvano il mondo dalla disperazione e ridanno fiducia alla ragione in virtù di una illuminazione della fede. Così facendo corroborano anche la fede perché la riscoprono come conoscenza e non come illusione.

La grande questione dell’epoca moderna è la pretesa del piano naturale di staccarsi da quello soprannaturale e di rendersi autonomo. La pretesa, in altri termini, di essere in grado da solo di darsi la propria salvezza e di conseguire il proprio significato. Ciò è pienamente possibile quando la cultura viene completamente sostituita alla natura, fino al punto da poterla riplasmare. E’ così che l’assolutizzazione della natura conclude con la rinuncia ad essa come criterio normativo, finendo l’uomo per perdere il gusto stesso del significato e lo stesso bisogno di una salvezza. Eliminando l’indisponibile – si pensi per esempio alla disponibilità della vita e del nostro corpo – l’assolutizzazione del piano naturale rischia di perdere il gusto per la stessa libertà, come ha ben visto Jürgen Habermas. Questa, infatti, è possibile solo nella contingenza e la contingenza è tale quando ammette un “oltre”, un cominciamento non prodotto da noi. Il recupero del concetto di “natura” è quindi all’ordine del giorno anche del pensiero laico. L’appello ai principi non negoziabili favorisce questo recupero e nello stesso tempo evita di ridurre la natura al suo significato naturalistico, che è un altro modo per soffocarla: la natura umana ridotta a fisicità diventa un prodotto tecnologico di laboratorio.

Come si vede, il rispetto dei principi non negoziabili non è a difesa della “corporazione ecclesiastica”, ma sprigiona delle verità che interpellano sia la ragione che la fede e ridanno ad ambedue il senso della propria dignità.

C’è però un altro motivo per cui i principi non negoziabili sono così importanti. E’ un motivo interno alla fede cristiana ma che, senza tradire questa origine, può rappresentare un motivo di respiro anche per il mondo. La natura umana e gli stessi principi della legge naturale – di cui i principi non negoziabili sono espressione – sarebbero stati conosciuti fino in fondo senza la rivelazione cristiana? E, una volta conosciuti, si sarebbe trovata la forza morale per mantenervisi fedeli? In altre parole: la legge naturale è solo questione di natura o anche di grazia? Si va dalla ragione alla fede o dalla fede alla ragione? Solo per fare qualche esempio, ricordo che per Augusto Del Noce si parte sempre dalla fede e i principi non negoziabili sono richiesti dalla fede cristiana, essi riguardano la dimensione metafisica della fede cristiana. Dello stesso parere sono Romano Guardini ed Henri de Lubac ed anche, credo di poterlo dire, il teologo Joseph Ratzinger. Se ho capito bene la posizione di Maritain su questo punto, egli pensava che la vecchia cristianità partisse dalla fede per arrivare alla ragione e che la nuova cristianità avesse dovuto invece partire dalla ragione per arrivare alla fede. Questo sembra non essere accaduto. L’ottimismo di Maritain, insieme con altri ottimismi che hanno contraddistinto la sua epoca, si è incrinato davanti alla constatazione che la ragione da sola non solo si allontanava sempre di più dalla fede, ma anche da se stessa. Il che comprovava la tesi opposta, che del resto anche Maritain ha riproposto nel Contadino della Garonna. Difficile se non impossibile riproporre oggi lo stesso schema.

Siamo qui davanti ad un punto molto delicato. La religione cristiana ritiene che la natura umana sia stata indebolita dal peccato e, pur avendone un’alta considerazione fondata sulla bontà della creazione, sull’essere l’uomo creato ad immagine di Dio e sull’aver assunto il Logos carne umana, ritiene anche che non possa trovare solo in se stessa le forze per il pieno risveglio. Ecco perché i principi non negoziabili sono in sé un fatto di ragione, ma hanno bisogno della religione per essere pienamente considerati anche dal punto di vista razionale. Giovanni Paolo II ha molto lavorato per mostrare che la Chiesa è l’avvocata dei diritti della persona, come del resto essa era sempre stata, e per indicare che l’uomo è la via della Chiesa perché Cristo è la via della Chiesa. Ci sono oggi molti non credenti che accettano su questi punti il messaggio religioso del cristianesimo, riconoscendo a quest’ultimo di essere fermento di civiltà proprio perché fatto religioso. Se il cristianesimo viene inteso come fermento di civiltà a patto che si tralasci la sua dimensione religiosa viene trasformato in religione civile, in consuetudine o in etica e ucciso come fede religiosa.

L’appello ai principi non negoziabili è quindi molto importante per ridare alla religione cristiana la convinzione della sua necessità anche per la costruzione dell’ordine civile, il senso della sua dignità pubblica. Dopo molti anni in cui questo è stato negato, soprattutto dentro il mondo cattolico, in quanto considerato fonte della trasformazione della fede in ideologia, si tratta ora di un punto di svolta di grande importanza. Se la natura umana si potesse autonomamente salvare con le sole sue forze, la dimensione pubblica della religione non potrebbe più essere legittimamente sostenuta. La Caritas in veritate però dice che il cristianesimo non è solo utile ma anche indispensabile per lo sviluppo umano. La Chiesa non può rinunciare al principio che la redenzione non abbia elevato, o purificato come dice Benedetto XVI, tutta la dimensione umana e l’intera storia.

Ora, una simile pretesa non rischia di soffocare la legittima autonomia del piano naturale? Affermando i principi non negoziabili dal punto di vista religioso, Benedetto XVI non soffoca irrimediabilmente il loro significato autonomo sul piano razionale? Dal punto di vista cristiano il problema non si pone perché l’annuncio di Cristo non può non essere rispettoso dell’uomo. Ma dal punto di vista del non cristiano, del “laico” come si dice oggi? Può egli accogliere un messaggio religioso, che per di più pretende di essere una luce vera ed originaria, senza sentirsi soffocato? Non nasce proprio da qui la difficoltà nel cosiddetto dialogo tra laici e cattolici?

Cristo ci ha detto che il suo gioco è leggero e che Lui è umile di cuore. La pretesa cristiana non è pretenziosa e arrogante. Essa consiste nel suggerire alla ragione: vieni e vedi!, come Gesù disse ai suoi primi discepoli. I principi non negoziabili nascono dalla natura dell’uomo ma illuminata dalla vita della “nuova creatura”. Questa non soffoca la prima, la sollecita, la illumina, la spinge ad approfondire se stessa, a non perdere fiducia in sé. Non le toglie niente nel mentre la trasforma in tutto. La forza della pretesa va di pari passo con l’umiltà della proposta: la fede invita la ragione solo ad essere se stessa. Il cristianesimo ha fatto così con la ragione platonica e con quella aristotelica, perché dovrebbe cessare di farlo oggi? Forse perché la ragione è talmente indebolita da non sentire più, come dicevo sopra, il bisogno stesso di guardarsi dentro? Forse nemmeno il bisogno di essere ragione? Benedetto XVI ha ben chiaro questo problema. Lo capiamo quando dice che il relativismo di oggi è assertorio e immotivato, frutto di una ragione che ha rinunciato a motivare le proprie affermazioni. Il relativismo, infatti, è immotivabile se non usando una ragionamento che lo contraddirebbe. Ma proprio qui si chiarisce il valore dell’appello ai principi non negoziabili come servizio che la fede fa alla ragione e fa quindi anche a se stessa perché la ragione è anche dentro il perimetro della fede e non solo fuori.

Mi rendo conto che sto chiedendo ai “laici” un grande sforzo. In fondo, il noto appello di Ratzinger a vivere come se Dio esistesse, interpretato spesso come provocatorio, aveva dentro di sé una proposta costruttiva: vedete se l’ipotesi di Dio toglie qualcosa al buon uso della ragione. Vieni e vedi!

Ma mi rendo conto di chiedere qualcosa di molto impegnativo anche ai credenti di questa nostra chiesa italiana. Mi sono chiesto spesso se la Chiesa italiana stia facendo il proprio dovere in ordine ai principi non negoziabili e se stia corrispondendo alle attese del Papa su questo punto. Noto un significativo cammino condotto avanti almeno dal Convegno ecclesiale di Loreto in poi e diretto alla formazione di un popolo cristiano convinto che dalla signoria di Cristo nei cuori rinnovati debba derivare anche una signoria di Cristo sulla verità dei rapporti umani e sociali. Un popolo cristiano che non accetta la riduzione del cristianesimo a fatto devozionale privato, a sétta quindi. Un popolo consapevole che ciò significherebbe permettere la creazione di un mondo ove la salvezza delle anime sarebbe strutturalmente ostacolata e per ciò invivibile anche dal punto di vista umano. La lotta per la libertà cristiana va di pari passo con la lotta per la presenza pubblica della religione cristiana e questo a vantaggio della libertà di tutti.

Noto però anche dei ritardi. I principi non negoziabili vengono spesso posti sullo stesso piano di altri valori e finiscono così per essere stemperati in una astratta genericità. In occasione degli ultimi referendum sull’acqua e sul nucleare, il mondo cattolico si è mobilitato in modo straordinario come con ogni probabilità non avrebbe fatto per la vita o, meno ancora, per la libertà di educazione. Noto una disponibilità a battersi per le stesse battaglie per cui si batte il mondo e una voglia senz’altro minore di battersi per ciò che il mondo oggi osteggia anche in forme autoritarie. L’importanza dei principi non negoziabili per il popolo cattolico non è sempre presente nella consapevolezza dei singoli Vescovi. Ci vorrebbe più coraggio. Sul piano del pensiero i principi non negoziabili pongono il problema della verità e della metafisica, oggi sostituita dall’ermeneutica, ma mi sembra che se istituzioni culturali cattoliche si sono messe sulla strada di un recupero di un pensiero sul reale altre fatichino a staccarsi da un ossequio eccessivo alle mode accademiche dominanti. Sappiamo bene che il discorso di Benedetto XVI sulla verità non è stato contestato solo alla all’Università La Sapienza di Roma, ma lo è anche in molti Studi teologici dei nostri Seminari.

Eppure penso che solo rilanciando la riflessione sui principi non negoziabili, in modo aperto e franco si possano affrontare in modo degno molte questioni irrisolte.

Una di queste è rappresentata dal problema educativo. Benedetto XVI, nel suo iniziale discorso sulla “questione educativa” aveva chiaramente posto il problema del rapporto tra la crisi educativa e la crisi della verità. I vescovi italiani, molto opportunamente, hanno proposto questo argomento per il decennio pastorale in corso. Ritengo che un più chiaro inserimento della prospettiva richiamata dai principi non negoziabili in questo sforzo educativo o rieducativo sia da ritenersi indispensabile. Le scuole in genere, e le scuole cattoliche in particolare, sono in crisi, dice il Papa, perché non sanno più che uomo educare. I principi non negoziabili fanno riemergere la verità della persona umana e richiedono per loro conto una prospettiva teologica e filosofica diversa da tante impostazioni odierne.

Una seconda è quella dell’impegno politico dei cattolici. Il riferimento ai principi non negoziabili richiede che la Dottrina sociale della Chiesa sia sistematicamente adoperata e intesa non come una generica espressione di solidarietà sociale che cavalchi acriticamente ogni proposta ideologica del momento purché che abbia l’aggettivo di “etica”, ma come ceppo da cui nasce una nuova cultura, originale perché fondata sulla originalità della fede. I principi non negoziabili richiedono che la fede venga concepita anche come conoscenza e questo comporterebbe nella mentalità dei cattolici italiani un notevole cambiamento di prospettiva, senza contare che, proprio per questo, essa è abilitata a dialogare con la ragione e quindi con il mondo laico. In questo modo i principi non negoziabili e la cultura che li sostiene e che ne deriva nutrirebbero l’impegno politico dei cattolici di criteri e orientamenti in modo da correggere la loro subalternità.

La mia idea è che l’appello ai principi non negoziabili risvegli energie sopite, sia dentro la Chiesa che nel mondo. Sono passaggi che toccano da vicino la verità del rapporto tra la Chiesa e il mondo e la comprensione corretta del mondo stesso.


segunda-feira, 11 de julho de 2011

Funcionario vaticano: Agenda pro-gay de ONU arriesga libertad de la Iglesia

GINEBRA, 11 Jul. 11 / 12:18 am (ACI/EWTN Noticias)

El representante del Vaticano ante el Consejo de Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas en Ginebra, explicó que la reciente resolución sobre la "orientación sexual e identidad de género" aprobada en este organismo internacional es parte de una agenda que busca restringir la libertad de la Iglesia.

"La resolución marca un cambio. Se ve como el comienzo de un movimiento dentro de la comunidad internacional y las Naciones Unidas para incluir derechos de los homosexuales en la agenda global de derechos humanos", explicó Mons. Silvano Tomasi, jefe de la Misión Permanente de la Santa Sede ante la ONU en Ginebra, en una entrevista concedida por correo electrónico a ACI Prensa.

El Arzobispo expresó su preocupación porque las legislaciones que surjan a partir de la resolución pueden degradar socialmente al matrimonio y la familia al ponerlos al mismo nivel que las uniones homosexuales.

El representante del Vaticano también dijo que el matrimonio se vería amenazado por medidas para impulsar la adopción de niños por parejas homosexuales y la introducción de una "educación sexual obligatoria en la escuela que choca con los valores cristianos".

El pasado 17 de junio, el Consejo de Derechos Humanos de la ONU en Ginebra aprobó por 23 cobtra 19 votos y tres abstenciones, una resolución en la que se ordena realizar un estudio para medir "el grado de discriminación por orientación sexual o identidad de género en el mundo", celebrada por los activistas homosexuales y el Gobierno de Estados Unidos como un paso "histórico" en el impulso de la agenda gay.

En declaraciones a ACI Prensa, el Arzobispo Tomasi reiteró que la Iglesia no apoya la violencia contra los homosexuales ni los intentos de ciertos estados por castigar a una persona simplemente por "sentimientos y pensamientos."

"Creo que la violencia contra las personas homosexuales no es aceptable y debe ser rechazada, a pesar de que esto no implique una aprobación de su comportamiento", afirmó.

Sin embargo, aclaró que los términos "orientación sexual e identidad de género" no están "definidos en el derecho internacional" y para algunas personas "estas palabras son una frase en clave para ciertos tipos de conducta".

El Arzobispo observó que todas las sociedades regulan el comportamiento sexual, hasta cierto punto -al prohibir prácticas como el incesto, la pedofilia o la violación- por el bien del bien común.

"En lugar de 'género', el concepto que debemos utilizar es el 'sexo', un término universal en el derecho natural se refiere a hombres y mujeres", indicó el Arzobispo y advirtió que términos "como ‘género’ u ‘orientación sexual’ están pensados para escapar de la realidad y para dar cabida a una variedad de sentimientos e impulsos que luego se transforman en derechos", indicó.

Para el Arzobispo, este uso del lenguaje puede parecer superficialmente inofensivo mientras los derechos alegados parezcan confinados a la vida privada. Sin embargo, advirtió que estas demandas están en conflicto con derechos auténticos como el libre ejercicio de la religión y la educación de los hijos, cuando permiten legislaciones contrarias a la defensa de la vida, el matrimonio y la familia.

Citó el caso de España, donde en los últimos años se liberalizó el aborto, se regularon las uniones homosexuales y se adoptó una "política que niega el derecho fundamental de los padres a elegir la educación de sus hijos".

Mons. Tomasi señaló a ACI Prensa que los católicos de hoy tienen una responsabilidad "en aclarar los aspectos legales y morales de la cultura actual", haciendo una distinción entre los deseos y los derechos, la promoción de la síntesis católica de la fe y la razón, y dejando en claro que una sentencia en contra de la homosexualidad es no es una condena a los homosexuales.

"Hay una confusión en la mente de algunas personas, en la combinación de una relación justa y de protección para todas las personas - incluyendo a los homosexuales - y el apoyo a la función indispensable de la familia, el derecho de los padres a educar a sus hijos, el apoyo de la natural de la familia para el bien común", agregó.

Recordó que "la enseñanza de la Iglesia no está condicionada por el consenso político" y por eso "a veces es incomprendida e incluso se convierte en el blanco de represalias y persecución".

"La razón y la ley natural respaldan las posturas inspiradas en la fe, y la convergencia de la fe y la razón es sumamente provechosa para el progreso y el bienestar de la familia humana", concluyó.

terça-feira, 29 de junho de 2010

Filosofia e religião - “Como o ateu mais conhecido do mundo mudou de opinião"


por João Carlos Espada


17 de Abril de 2010


In http://www.ionline.pt/conteudo/55690-filosofia-e-religiao


“Como o ateu mais conhecido do mundo mudou de opinião": este é o subtítulo de um livro recente do professor Anthony Flew ("There Is a God: How the World's most Notorious Atheist Changed His Mind", 2007/2008). Não posso avaliar se ele era ou não o ateu mais conhecido do mundo, mas era seguramente bastante conhecido.

TEOLOGIA E FALSIFICAÇÃO


Em 1950, numa sessão do Oxford University Socratic Club, presidida por C. S. Lewis, Flew apresentara uma comunicação que ficou famosa: "Theology and Falsification". A tese era inspirada na teoria da refutação de Karl Popper e pretendia excluir a hipótese de existência de Deus com base no argumento de que essa hipótese não era susceptível de refutação (Popper, diga-se de passagem, nunca subscreveu esse argumento de Flew). Mais tarde, Flew desenvolveria o argumento em dois livros com bastante sucesso: "God and Philosophy" e "The Presumption of Atheism".

Durante mais de 50 anos, Anthony Flew foi sem dúvida um influente crítico da religião, bem como um filósofo respeitado, que ensinou em Oxford, Reading, Keele e Aberdeen. O anúncio público da sua conversão, em 2004, criou de facto um certo furor, sobretudo no mundo de língua inglesa. Embora muitos outros filósofos e cientistas tenham ultimamente escrito em defesa da existência de Deus, o caso de Flew assume no entanto um interesse especial. Tendo sido um reputado ateu com base na razão, agora defende que, precisamente com base na razão, foi levado a concluir que Deus existe.

EM NOME DA RAZÃO


"Agora acredito", escreve Anthony Flew, "que o universo foi trazido à existência por uma Inteligência infinita. Acredito que as intricadas leis deste universo manifestam aquilo que os cientistas têm chamado a Mente de Deus. Acredito que a vida e a reprodução têm origem numa Fonte divina." (p. 88)

Como explicar estas novas convicções de Anthony Flew, quando ele passara 50 anos a defender o contrário? A resposta é simples, diz o autor: "Esta é a visão do mundo que emerge da ciência moderna. A ciência destaca três dimensões da natureza que apontam para Deus. A primeira reside no facto de a natureza obedecer a leis. A segunda é a dimensão da vida, de seres inteligentemente organizados e que se dirigem por propósitos, que emerge da matéria. A terceira é a própria existência da natureza." (p. 89)

ABERTURA RACIONAL


Não se trata de uma mudança de paradigma, explica Anthony Flew, porque o seu paradigma continua o mesmo, ditado por Sócrates: "seguir o argumento [racional], onde quer que ele leve".

Uma questão relativamente óbvia emerge desta explicação. Se Anthony Flew sempre se pautou pelo mesmo princípio - seguir o argumento racional, onde quer que ele leve -, por que razão não foi conduzido antes à hipótese de Deus? A resposta é interessante: porque, explica ele, o seu entendimento de razão não era suficientemente aberto a todas as hipóteses explicativas para a grande pergunta "por que razão existe alguma coisa em vez de nada?".

UMA PARÁBOLA


Comecemos com uma parábola, propõe Anthony Flew. Imaginemos que um telefone por satélite aparece numa ilha habitada por uma tribo que nunca teve contacto com a civilização. Os nativos carregam ao acaso nas teclas e ouvem diferentes vozes humanas após digitarem algumas sequências. Assumem que é o instrumento que produz aquelas vozes.

Surge então um membro solitário da tribo que diverge dos outros. Este propõe outra hipótese: o aparelho está basicamente a comunicar com outros seres humanos, que existem para lá dos limites estreitos da única ilha que a tribo conhece. A tribo responde com uma gargalhada geral: isso é pura superstição. Basta ver que, uma vez destruído o aparelho, as vozes deixam de se ouvir. Logo, as vozes são produto do aparelho.

FACTOS E PRECONCEITOS


Este é um exemplo, diz Anthony Flew, de como ideias preconcebidas dão forma aos dados empíricos, em vez de se deixarem desafiar pelos dados empíricos. Algo semelhante acontece quando os ateus (como era o seu próprio caso) dizem que "não devemos procurar uma explicação para a existência do mundo, ele simplesmente existe". Ou quando "porque não podemos aceitar uma fonte transcendente da vida, simplesmente escolhemos acreditar no impossível: que a vida emergiu espontaneamente e por acidente da matéria". Ou ainda que "as leis da física são 'leis sem lei' que emergem do vazio" (pp. 85-87).